In the beginning, this was done by women guards, but later exclusively by female prisoners, depending on the number. The punishment took place once or twice a week and five to eight women were punished.
"On the order of the Reichsfuehrer SS, Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Gebhardt of Hohenlychen carried out a series of experiments in 1942 and 1943. The problem to be solved was the therapeutic effect of a number of medicines and possibly also surgery upon gangrene. Polish women who had been sentenced to death by court martial and who were awaiting execution, after their sentences had been approved by the Governor General, were chosen as subjects. The experiment proceeded as follows: A six to eight centimeter long incision was made in the lower calf. A certain bacteria culture, which was sent especially for this purpose by the Hygiene Institute of the SS, was placed deep in the calf muscle and then the skin was rejoined.
I again call the attention of the Tribunal to the fact that these cultures were sent by the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen-SS under the control of the defendants Genzken and Mrugowsky.
"As camp doctor, mgr only responsibility was to see that clinical matters such as the operation itself, nutrition and special nursing, etc., were taken care of to the satisfaction of Professor Gebhardt. The operation itself was performed by Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Stampfegger and Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Fischer. The camp doctor, Miss Oberhauser, assisted them. I estimate that about thirty to forty women were used for this experiment with about ten to twelve dying. Oberarzt Dr. Heissmeir, head cf the tuberculosis sanatorium Hohenlychen intended to conduct another series of experiments with prisoners, but these were not approved by the higher authorities. Here the main interest was tuberculosis research, to check the reaction of the patient to increasing burden of physical exertion.
"2. The male camp Ravensbrueck: This was purely a work camp for the development of industry. Because of the peculiar working conditions the rate of illness was always rather high. As station doctor I had to supervise the prisoners' hospital.
"3. The young protection camp Uckermark: The female inmates were almost entirely German girls, on whom the efforts of ordinary reformatory education had failed, who continued social activities, loafed around, and would not lot themselves to influenced by their parents and would not obey them.
Among them were girls who, because, of inherited biological traits, were considered inferior, partly because they were epileptics or the offspring of drunkards, mental cases or sexual maniacs. Only few of the prisoners were girls who had committed some sort of crime that would ordinarily land them in Ravensbrueck, but who were sent there because of their youth. Those were mostly eases of forbidden contact with foreigners, almost always sexual intercourse.
"As far as hygienic conditions went in all three camps, in the beginning there was sufficient space in the women's camp, but duo to the mounting number of prisoners there were not sufficient beds to go around, so that people working on day and night shifts had to alternate in a bed. Consequently scabies and also some lice wore observed."
I will now omit the next two or three paragraphs and will turn to the last paragraph on page 26:
"In August 1943 I was relieved of my post by Hauptstandartenfuehrer Dr. Enno Lolling, Chief of Amt D III. The reason was that some disciplinary action was taken against Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Rosenthal. He had had a love affair with a German prisoner nurse and performed an abortion on her. As his medical superior, I was accused of knowing of this affair, so I felt myself forced to ask to be relieved of my duties, especially since relations with the camp commander at the tree, Sturmbannfuehrer Fritz Suhren, were not of the best I was sent to Natzweiler, to relieve Obersturmfuehrer Dr. von Bodmann there.
"I spent from about the middle of August to the middle of October 1943 in Natzweiler, then got orders from the head of Amt D III to take over the duties of Dr. Waldemar Hoven, who was under investigation, as station doctor of the Waffen-SS, Weimar, and first camp doctor of Buchenwald. After I turned my own duties over to Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Richard Krieger, my successor, I took over my new office.
"My activities in Buchenwald started on around the 15th to the 18th of October 1943, and ended 11 April 1945, the day the Americans entered. When I took over, there were sufficient facilities in the prisoners' hospital to handle the volume of work.
I gave the prisoners' self-administration and especially the Capo, Ernst Busse, a free hand. He picked out ward nurses, released these not suitable, and occasionally meted out some sort of punishment. The assistant to Busse was Otto Kipp, vice Capo. There wore plenty of doctors around. Some of the departments were headed by prisoners with long years of experience. In the hospital there were altogether five barracks for the sick; a sixth was aided later. The dispensary of the little camp had two barracks.
"At the time I started to work, no experiments were conducted at Buchenwal Later there were several series ordered, as follows:
"1. "Experiment of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Vaernet." As we will sec later in this affidavit, Your Honors, and later on during the presentation of the case in chief, Dr. Vaernet was ordered by the defendant Poppendick to experiment with homosexuals at the Buchenwald concentration camp, and as a result of these orders two inmates died.
"2. Experiments of Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schmick.
"3. Nutrition experiments with Saemigmark.
"4. Investigations of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ellenbeck.
"In reference to 1: The experiments of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Vaernet, a Danish hormone export, took place about the middle of 1944 on order of the Reichsfuehrer SS, who had directed the Reich Physician of the SS, Dr. Grawitz to have the experiments carried out in Buchenwald. The aim of the experiment was to change homosexuals so they would again react normally. My part in the experiments, which was detailed for me in written instructions from my superior, Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling, was only to see to it that the necessary number of homosexuals were in the camp. In a preliminary examination, Dr. Vaernet picked out suitable subjects, then informed us by wire from Prague on about what day he would perform operations on the four subjects. He also desired to operate on six more prisoners, at a later date, one of whom was to be a eunuch and another an aged man who was no longer capable of sexual feelings. In the operation itself, a two to three centimeter long incision was made in the abdomen under local anesthesia.
Then the artificial hormone, which he had developed himself and which was in the form of a normal pill, was inserted into the subcutaneous fatty tissues and the wound closed.
"In reference to 2: The experiments of Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schmick were concerned with the healing of boils and small carbuncles. Buchenwald was given the assignment to furnish sick men as subjects to test this method. The results were positive; many boils could be healed much quicker this way.
"In reference to 3: In the nutrition experiments with Saemigmark, an additional fungus supposedly containing 50 percent albumen was administered. It was a by-product of the process of watching unfinished cellulose to remove excess sulfites with lye solutions with which nothing can be done. It was gained by a complicated procedure.
"In reference to 4: The interests of Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Hans Dieter Ellenbeck lay in about the same direction as those of the nutrition experiments. His job was, in the case of frequently occurring diseases or complaints about the conditions of the prisoners, to investigate and find the cause. He was appointed by the chief hygienist, SS Oberfuehrer Professor Dr. Mrugowsky, to visit the various sites where building and armaments construction jobs wore to be carried out. Many times these places were far underground, hard mining work had to be done, the distance to the place of work was too far and difficult shoes were impractical and unserviceable, clothes not sufficient, so unnecessary colds occurred. Also, the question of inspection, the distribution and receiving of food, recreation and time off and shelter came up. All these things may be contributing factors towards the recurrence of a disease of a similar condition on a work detail, Experiments with nutrition in regard to this problem ware to be started in Buchenwald, but then called off in March 1945 due to the progress of the war.
"Further experiments with human beings were carried on in block 46, which was affiliated with the Hygiene institute of the Waffen-SS, Department for Typhus and Virus Research. Its head was Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Erwin Ding, later Schuler, who did not work under me."
I might explain to the Tribunal at this time that in the further presen tation of this case in chief we will be dealing a great deal with the name "Dr. Ding, later Schuler."
He carried the name Ding until 1943, and at that time he changed his name to Schuler. H is stepfather's name was Ding, so he bore the name Ding the greater part of his life; and then, in 1943, ho bore the name of his own father, Schuler. So from time to time you will see reference to Ding and to Schuler, and it is one and the same person.
"I therefore never mixed myself up in the affairs of the Institute. Later SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuler requested me to represent him during his frequent absences from Buchenwald if a signature was urgently needed. Of the activities of the Institute, I only know what after vaccination with the various vaccines to be tested, the prisoners were infected with typhus. Then if a prisoner died, his case history was not sent in to the hospital, but collected for scientific purposes. Only a short notation was made on his card that the man had died in Blick 46. On order of the Reich Physician SS, the cause of death on the prisoners' records was changed to something else, such as pneumonia, pleurisy, or inflammation of the kidneys. As far as choosing the prisoners for the experiments went, I am acquainted with the fact that many prisoners, especially from among the security prisoners, volunteered.
"On order of Amtsgruppe D, professional criminals were transferred from, other camps and sent to the experimental laboratory in Bucnenwald. I was asked by ss-Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuler to help pick the victims because he did not choose to enter the limelight. A man from the Criminal Police Department of the Reich, a Kriminalrat Otto, appeared for this purpose. Only such prisoners were picked who had more than 10 years in prison, were under 40 years of ago, and who were able to meet the physical requirements of an SS mnn. Such examinations took place two times, each time 20 to 30 prisoners were picked. I very seldom, hea* a chance to visit block 46, only when there was an inspection in which I took part. Only twice was I there and within a few days in order to observe patients, That was when, to comply with Dr. Schuler's request, I went to observe the effectiveness of his vaccine. He then asked mo to continue the observations because he had to leave within the next few days. I then did that. I cannot give the number of deaths among experiment patients, in block 46, bub I imagine that during the beginning there were more deaths than towards the end. I estimate the number of deaths recorded during the time I worked in the hospital building to bo between 40 and 50.
"Another experiment of SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuler was with a poison which the Russians supposedly used against Germans in Russian territory when they wanted to get rid of them. SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuler, as far as I know, had orders from the chief SS hygienist, SS Oberfuehrer Prof.Dr. Joachim Mrugowski, to study how this poison takes effect and to use prisoners for the experiment. I don't know how prisoners were chosen for this nor upon whose orders. One day ho asked me to visit the crematorium where the experiment was to take place. There were, as far as I remember, 4 to 6 prisoners. When I got there the poison had already begun to take effect on some. This was visible because the victims threw up, had stomach cramps, and their faces had begun to discolor; one was unconscious; with the others there was less effect to be observed.
"Since I had little time, I left soon and sent a Medical. NCO down whom SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuler had requested. How the experiment continued, I don't know; I only hoard later that all the prisoners had died.
Another responsibility of being camp doctor was everything that had to do with disinfection. The system of having a man in charge of hygiene in each block was now to me, Their job was to check cleanliness, haircuts, and twice a week to check the men for lice. There wore also many floats, which had been imported by large transports of Frenchman, but they were gotten rid of quickly. Bugs were imported toward the end of 1944, from infested barrack parts of camp Plaszow, which was being evacuated at the time, Infested barracks were immediately disinfected and prisoners used for this purpose had to wash themselves thoroughly every night. In spite of that, bugs were later found in some of the barracks."
Now the rest of this affidavit, as I have said, will be of interest to the tribunal but at this time I will not read any more from it, it merely gives conditions, some of the situations existing in the camp, new arrivals of various transports, and other details. I will now ask the Tribunal to turn to Page 46 in your Document Book. This is a deposition of JADWIGA KAMINSKA, Document Number NO-876.
DR. SEIDL: (Counsel for the Defendants Fischer, Gebhardt and Oberhauser): The Prosecution is about to read 9 affidavits by former inmates of the Concentration Camp Ravensbruect. In object to the admission of these documents in evidence. I make the following explanation of this objection: First, any penal case is ruled by the principle of direct evidence. This means that on principle witnesses must be examined before the Court and only in special exceptional cases can an affidavit replace evidence before the court. The Prosecution has already agreed to this principle to the extent of calling 4 witnesses and examining them on the same subject, that is, the sulfanilamide experiments. These witnesses and other documents which have already been submitted, have completely cleared up the fact. The admission of 9 further affidavits would, in my opinion, net help the Court in determining the truth. Second, the contents of these affidavits, in part, go far beyond what the 4 witnesses have already testified to here before the Court; completely new statements are made in them.
The Prosecution was perfectly free to select those of the 13 witnesses whom they thought most suitable. They selected the 4 witnesses who were examined and thus indicated that they considered the testimony of these witnesses especially valuable. Otherwise, instead of these 4 witnesses they would have brought experimental subjects before the Court from whom they now intend to submit an affidavit. Third, the contents of the 9 affidavits are not only in contrast to part of the testimony which the 4 witnesses gave before the court, many of the affidavits arc contradictory in themselves; they deviate considerably from one another and contain contradictions. If those contradictions arc not cleared up there would not only be nothing gained in the determination of the truth but this task would be made much more difficult. Fourth, several of the witnesses who have given affidavits which are now to be submitted did not themselves participate in experiments and their knowledge is only hearsay. In several cases it is not clear whether the witness is only expressing an assumption or whether she has personal knowledge of the subject. Fifth, the 4 witnesses previously examined testified essentially to the same material. The admission of 9 more affidavits, as far as the evidence is material under the Indictment, would add nothing to the evidence, it would bo cumulative. And finally, for the admission of these affidavits in evidence there is all the less cause since the defendants accused of sulfanilamide experiments at Ravensbrueck do not deny these experiments. The affidavits of ties defendant Fischer made that quite clear; furthermore, the Prosecution has several affidavits from the Defendant Gebhardt, which also shows this quite clearly. That is all.
MR. HARDY: In this regard, Your Honor, I might add that I can sec no reason for the omission of those affidavits as they contain further information into the circumstances existing at Ravensbrueck. These affidavits were obtained by the British War Investigation Teams...
(German translation not coming through, Mr. Hardy is halted.)
I will repeat that I fell that those affidavits add something to the Prosecution's case, not merely cumulative evidence, and that they are fully admissible under Ordinance No.7. The affidavits were obtained in official course by members of the British Army of the Rhine.
I must admit that they may be damaging to the defense and to the defense counsel's clients but I see no reason why we should omit these affidavits at this time. We have here approximately 9 or 10 affidavits. Each time we have submit an affidavit we have the same objection. Now it is impossible for us to get all these witnesses her to be examined and cross-examined, due to the fact that transportation facilities are what they are. Some of these witnesses arc from Norway, France, Poland Belgium, etcetera. We have made every effort to got witnesses here and did bring 4 to bo observed and to be examined and cross-examined. I feel that this objection should be overruled at this time.
JUDGE SEBRING: Do you have there the originals?
MR. HARDY: Yes, I do, Sir.
JUDGE SEBRING: Will you hand them up, please?
MR. HARDY: I might call to the Tribunal's attention that those originals these are copies - you wild find arc certified by Major Matt who has been here with us and are in various languages, French, Swedish, Polish and so fort Your Honor rill note that in each affidavit there is a certificate by Miss Radcliffe of the Documentation Division. The basis for that certificate is based upon a certificate which she has in her hands made by Major Arthur Kieth- ant which accompanies each one of these affidavits And when the document is admitted into evidence here, she makes out a certificate showing where she received from a supposedly authentic copy. And we have available the certificates of Major Hant if the Tribunal wishes to see them.
JUDGE SEBRING: Wouldn't we save time in each case when documents of this kind were handed up for reception if there was also enclosed that certificate so that the Court might have it before it.
MR. HARDY: That is very true, Your Honor, As we pointed out in the first instance, when in the presentation, how, we would follow our procedure, re stated that am would use these affidavits certified by the clerk in the Documentation Division. However, if you want the original certificate in each case, they can be produced; but some difficulty does arise due to the fa.ct that it is, say for instance, we delivered three, four or five affidavits from one source. We will not require them to make out a certificate for each one. We will have them make an accumulative certificate stating all four or five, and we may put them into evidence at different times.
JUDGE SEBRING: Yes, but that accumulative certificate, the several affidavits will certainly be identified, will they not?
MR. HARDY: Certainly, yes, sir.
JUDGE SEBRING: I believe that procedure might expedite the case.
MR. HARDY: In that case, we will deliver them as soon as possible.
THE PRESIDENT: Here is a document No. 874 which does not shear the signature of the affiant that I see. It reads, "Before me, Arthur Kieth Hant ..." This copy doesn't show that the affidavit was ever signed.
MR HARDY: Could I see the copy, Your Honor?
You will note, Your Honor, on the second page of this affidavit the says, "sworn by the said deponent, Dr. Sullfamatski (?), voluntarily, Stockholm, Sweden, July 2, 1946." Now, this is, as I stated, is a certified copy by Major Matt.
I presume in this case he only signed the original deposition. This is a carbon copy as you will note, and Major Matt has sworn to this and we have it attached here on the document sheet. This comes in the official course of business and so forth of the War Crimes Section of the British Army of the Rhine
THE PRESIDENT: My point in connection with this document was while it is stated to be a copy, it does not show the signature of the affiant. The Tribunal will permit the reading of the documents and reserve the ruling on the admissibility until later.
JUDGE SEBRING: It is understood, of course, the Prosecution is going to submit for the inspection of the Tribunal, the underlying certificate made by the British Investigating Officer?
MR. HARDY: That is correct.
JUDGE SEBRING: The Court then will reserve its ruling until that time.
MR. HARDY: At this time, I will read this document into the record and will give it a Prosecution Exhibit Number for the purpose of convenience and then the ruling at a later date can take place. This Document is NO-876which will be Prosecution Exhibit No. 235 - 225, pardon me. As I stated before this is an affidavit of Jadwiga Kaminska. This was taken in Brussels before Major Rant and states as follows:
"I, Jadwiga Kaminska, 24 Avenue de 1'Yser, Brussels, make oath and state as follows:
"I was arrested on 18 March 1941 and arrived in Ravensbruck on 27 September 1941 and left the camp on the 16 April 1946.
"I was twice operated on during my stay in the camp. The first time was August 15, 1942, in the second group of prisoners to be operated on; the following were operated on with me: Kormanska, Zofia; Kaminska, Zofia; Karolewska, Vladyslava; Jurkowska, Alicia; Karwacka, Ursula; Iwanska, Yanina; Iwanska, Krystyna; Karesman, Muria.
"In the morning of the same day we were operated on we were all sent to the Revier not knowing what was to happen to us. Five of us were sent to one room and the two Inwanska sisters and Karwacka to another. On arrival we all had baths and were given small hospital shirts and blouses. We had no medical examination and were given nothing to eat. When they were taking me to the operating theatre I fought to keep out but was held down by the nurse Ericka and two owner nurses in the corridor whilst Dr. Rosentahl gave me an anaesthetic by injection in my arm.
Just before I had the injection I saw Gebhardt in the corridor and I also recognize him on No. 3 in the group of photographs. I also saw Dr. Oberhauser going into the Operating theatre. When I came round, I found that all of us had been operated on and that my right leg was in plaster up to the knee, three days later I was taken to the Dressing Room and my face was covered with a sheet so that I could not see what going on, I recognized the voices of Oberhauser, Rosenthal, Schidlauski and there were several others there whose voices I did not recognize. I heard another Doctor who I believe removed plaster ask for instruments.
"Immediately after the operation I had a temperature of 39 degree, the first week after the operation it varied between 38 and 39. When I was sent back to my block three weeks after the operation I still had some fever and felt very weak.
After the first operation Gebhardt came into the room where I was having my dressing changed with several other doctors and talked about the operations and said they were "Military Operations". I recognized Gebhardt when he came into the room.
"About a week after my first operation Rosenthal came into our room drunk. We asked him why we had been operated on, he answered "because you are young girls and Polish Patriots." Oberhauser was also asked the same question She answered that the operation had been ordered by the Gestapo. Dr. Fischer advised us to ask the Senior Doctor, Schidlausky, why we had been operated on, but after that we never saw Schidlausky again.
"I was in great pain after the operation, the first two days we were offered a medicine but refused to take it after which we were offered nothing.
"About a week after the operation I first saw my wound which was about 10 cms. long and 5 cms. wide and full of green pus and very inflamed. It is now 10 cms. long and about 3 cms. in width.
"Thee days after my first dressing the second one was done under similar circumstances as the first, but I managed to pull the sheet off my face for a few seconds and saw Dr. Fischer who was doing my dressing.
"I was operated on the second time on 13 September 1942, with five others who were: Wojtaski, Wanda; Rakowska, Pelagia; Gnas, Maria; Kaminska, Jadwiga; Karolewska, Vladislava,; Karwacka, Ursula.
"The day before the operation I was again put in the Revier and had a bath and then salt compresses were put on my wound by the nurse Wricke and another nurse. Before the second operation I was given something to drink which made we sleep and consequently knew no details of the operation.
"When I came to from this operation I had much more fever than the first time; we were given something to drink three times a day to alleviate the pain but it had little effect; in the evening, however, Oberhauser gave us morphine injections. We were not in plaster after the second operation. The first two times my dressings were changed by Dr. Fischer and afterwards by Schidlausky and Oberhauser and also by SS nurses.
"After my second operation I stayed in the Revier three months, during all that time I had fever and felt very weak and I was given no care.
"When I left the Revier three months after that operation my fever had almost gone but my wound was still open. Before I left the Revier Oberhauser had a look at my wound, and said I was fit to go. In March 1943 my leg was still discharging pus.
"In February 1945 the order came out that all of us who had been operated on were to remain in our blocks. We knew this meant we were to be liquidated.
"I went to the bureau and spoke to Binz and Swarzhuber; they told me that as we were still weak we would be transferred to the Gresrosen camp. I said that was not true but that we should be shot in the camp without being transferred.
"I demanded of Swarzhuber that I saw Suhren; he said it was impossible. After a few days, however, I saw Suhren and told him that we would rather be killed in the camp than at Grossrosen. Suhren said he would do everything in his power to save us.
"My leg is new healed but gets tired very quickly and during the last three months I have had intermittent fever which my doctor tells me is due to recurrence of infection in my leg and also the glands in my right groin have become swollen. Signed Jadwiga Kaminska."
At this time, Your Honors, we now have all the original certificates signed by Major Mant. They have just been brought down from the document room, and in order to avoid confusion at a later date, at this time I will submit the certificates for your examination.
(The Tribunal examining certificates.)
MR. HARDY: All those certificates take the same form, Your Honors.
JUDGE SEBRING: Do you have one affidavit attached to each of the exhibits?
MR. HARDY: I have one attached to each exhibit, yes, sir. I believe you have all the affidavits before you now, Your Honors.
THE PRESIDENT: The certificates by the British officer, Major Mant, are original certificates and appear to be in order. The objection of the Defendants' Counsel to the admission of the affidavits is overruled. You may now mark Document No-876 as an admitted exhibit.
MR. HARDY: Thank you. Your Honor.
"I, Zofia Sokulska, of Lund Sweden, make oath and state as follows:
I arrived in Ravensbrueck on the 21st September 1941 from Warsaw, together with 450 other prisoners. I left the camp on the first Swedish Red Cross transport on April 23rd, 1943. I had been arrested by the Gestapo on May 8th, 1941, as I was an active member of the Polish Resistance Movement.
During my stay in Ravensbrueck I was operated on experimentally on two occasions. There were another two attempts made to operate, on me, which I thwarted. On the 1st of August 1942, I was told to report to the big Revier, with 9 other prisoners, by Halina Bolla, secretary to Mandl. At the Revier we were examined by Fraeulein Doctor Oberhauser. After this examination I was told I was too thin and was sent away. The other 9 girls were subsequently operated on.
On September 21st, 1942 I was sent for again by Oberhauser, before whom I undressed, and after a purely visual examination she told me I was fit to be operated on. I told Oberhauser that a few weeks before I had been dismissed because I was too thin and that I had a weak heart.
To this Oberhauser replied that it did not matter. I may add that between these two examinations by Oberhauser I had not other food than the normal camp diet. Oberhauser then sent for a German internee nurse, Gerda Quernheim, who took me to room No.4 in the Grand Revier. When I arrived at room No. 4 there were already three other Polish girls there who had already been operated on and were encased in plaster cast of both legs from the thighs to the feet. The names of those girls are:
Aniela Soboleska, who had already been in there two to three weeks. This girl was afterwards shot;
Kristina Dabska, who had been there about a week;
Zofia Stefamiak, who had also been there between two and three weeks.
I was sent to the bathroom, and after my return was told I would be operate on the next day. Before my operation SS nurse Frieda shaved both my legs, gave me an injection in the thigh and a glass of what I imagined to be morphine, to drink. The following is a description of SS nurse Frieda: She was about 1.50 metres tall, ugly, fat, bow-legged, wore glasses, brown hair streaked with grey, aged about 40.
I was later taken to the operating theatre by Lenurse Frieda and Fina Pautz. Present in the theatre were, whom I recognize her: Doctors Fischer, Oberhauser and Rosenthal. There was also present an SS nurse whose name I do not know. I do know, however, that she had been in the camp only a short time. There was also present a doctor whose name I do not know, but I have seen him on subsequent occasions and understand that he was an assistant to Dr. Gebhardt.
My left leg was flexed fully at the knee and held in this position by bandage encircling my flexed knee joint. Dr. Oberhauser then put an injection into a vein of my arm and told me to count whilst doing so. I counted up to 3 and then remembered no more until I woke up the next morning in my bed in room No.4. I was told my operation had taken 3 hours. When I came out of the anaesthetic I felt sick, but suffered from no pain or fever. My left leg was encased in a plaster cast from the foot to the top of the thigh. Oberhauser later came into room No.4 and told me that my operation had not been serious and that I should be able to walk in 11 days.
Eight days later my plaster was removed by Doctors Oberhauser and Fischer. Doctor Schidlauski was present, but merely as an onlooker, I had a scar on my left leg on the outer part, back of the shin bone, about 10 cm. long and curved backwards about 2 cm. in its under portion. During this period after the operation I had no pain and no temperature. When the wound was nearly healed, the plaster was removed. About the 11th day after the operation my stitches were removed and I began to walk. I found my leg was very weak, but about three weeks later I was able to walk normally. When I was able to walk satisfactorily Oberhauser told me I must start work again, and from the 21st October 1942 until March 1943 I worked in the Big Revier rolling bandages.
On the 2nd December 1942 Oberhauser told me I was to be operated on again. I asked her why, and she stated she did not know but it had to be done. For my second operation Doctors Fischer and Oberhauser and SS nurse Dora were in theatre. Oberhauser again gave me anesthetic, and during the operation the wound from my previous operation was opened up. When I came round from the anesthetic I found that his time my leg had not been encased in plaster but only bandaged. This second operation of mine I was told also took 3 hours. As after my first operation, the second one was followed by no pain or temperature After 8 days Dr. Oberhauser removed my bandage and placed on a strip of adhesive plaster. On this day also I started to walk again. A week later I was sent back to my block, which was Block 15.
I should like to add that during and following both of my operations we were given no attention whatsoever. The dressings were dirty when they were changed, we were given no washing facilities, and whoever in the ward was most ambulant had to look after the sanitary arrangements for the others who were immobile in their plaster casts.
At present, as a result of my two operations, the only disability I suffer is a very weak left ankle.
In January 1943 two Polish girls who had been operated on were shot. Their names were: GNAS, Maria, and PAJACZKOWSKA, Janina. Suhren himself came to room No. 4 and told us that they were to be set free. The girls were very surprised, because their wounds were not yet healed and no one was allowed to leave the camp unless comparatively fit. A secretary of Langenfeld later came to room 4 with a slip of paper bearing the names of the 2 girls, and also on the paper was that they were to go to Lublin after they had been set free. A friend of mine who worked in the Labor Office, called Halina Strzelecka, later found a slip of paper with these two girls' names on, both followed by a cross and a date and the fact that they had died of heart failure. Another friend of mine who worked in the Revier called Genowefa Biega looked through the book containing the records of all those who died in the camp, and found these two girls' names followed by a date and the fact that they had died from heart failure. When we learned that these two girls had definitely been shot, we sent a protest to the Camp Commandant, Suhren, but received no reply from him "One day in March, when arriving as usual for work in the Grand Revier, was told by Fina Pautz that Oberhauser wished to see me again, as I was to have a further operation.
On hearing this I immediately went from the Revier to my block, where I hid, and later, when Oberhauser's secretary came to look for me, my block leader said she did not know where I was. Following this, I tried to see Suhren personally. In this I was unsuccessful and was taken to Oberhauser consulting room by the guard Knopf. In Oberhauser's consulting room there were present: Oberhauser, Schidlauski, and several girls who were working there, including Krzyzanska, Jolante; Schidlauski struck me roughly and asked me why I had refused to come and be operated on, as I was going to be released after this next operation. To this I replied that this was not true and that I was going to be eventually shot and I would rather be shot before having another operation than after.
Schidlauski asked me why I was a prisoner in the camp, to which I replied:
'I love my country, I am Polish, and for that I am here.' To this he mad no reply and I left the room. Two days later Dr. Oberhauser informed me that work in the Revier was to cease and I was sent back to my block.
"Between March and August no further experimental operations were performed in the camp. Experiments were, however, carried out on dogs, but about this I can give no information. In August 1943, ten of us were told to report to the Revier. As we knew we were wanted for further experiments, we refused to go. Binz told us that it was no good refusing, because if we did she would get SS male guards and dogs to bring us along by forde. In spite of this, we attempted to hide amongst the other inmates but Binz and the camp policewomen caught us and led us off to the bunker. In the bunker, the ten of us were divided into two equal groups and each group of five was placed in a separate cell which was completely dark and had not furniture whatsoever. We were without food for forty-eight hours. After forty-eight hours the window was opened, so we had some light, and we were also given food. The five girls in the other cell, however, were operated on by force the day after we were taken to the bunker. The five girls who were operated on were: Helena Plasecka, Joanna Szydtowska, Stefania Sieklucka, Wladystawa Karolewska, the girl that testified here yesterday, Halina Piotrowska. Those who were present with me in my cell, who were not operated on, were as follows: Zofia Kormanska, Bogumita Bombinska, Pelagia Michalik, Ursula Krawacka. After the other five had been operated on, a Dr. Klimek came in and examined our legs. The following is a description of Dr. Klimek: Aged 34 - 35, height 1.80 metres, fair hair, pale face and grey eyes. On the 11th day after our internment in the bunker, Suhren himself came down and told us we were to be released from the bunker. After the last operations, which were carried out in August and September 1943, the following girls were shot: Maria Ziolonka, Apolinia Rakowska, Amiela Sobolewska, Rosalia Gutek.
"I have seen Oberhauser select patients during the time I was in bed following my second operation. These patients selected were taken to a small room in the Revier. Later Oberhauser went into this room herself with either Gerda Quernheim or Fina Pautz. The women who had been selected and sent to this room were never seen again. It was generally thought in the Revier that they were given lethal injections by Oberhauser. I personally have never seen Oberhauser give these injections, but I have helped carry down the bodies of the people selected in coffins from this room shortly after their selection.
These coffins were placed in a car which took them to the crematorium.
"Rosenthal, Quernheim and Pautz also gave injections. This method of extermination commenced shortly after a visit to the camp by Himmler, who is alleged to have said that the inmates of the camp were not dying fast enough, "I have seen Schidlauski and Rosenthal personally beat patients with their fists, and also kick them.
I have personally seen the following beat up inmates in the camp: Kowa, Kopka, Lehman, Mandl, Erich, Binz, Brauning, Skene (Skene was at one time block leader of my block No. 15, and she constantly beat the inmates), Opitz, Pelaum, Raabe, Schreitter, Schreiber, Dr. Sonntag (Dr. Sonntag was a sadist; he used to beat old inmates of the camp, patients, and he also beat his wife, who worked in the Revier, because she Drank. Zimmer, Winkelmann selected several thousand people for the gas chamber, mainly during February and March 1945. From September 1941 to April 1942 the block leader in charge of Block 15, called Hermina Kubica, was extremely sadistic, and beat the inmates unmercifully. Another block leader called Knoll, of Block 24, also used to maltreat the inmates and caused considerable trouble by spying on them and spreading false stories. On February 4 1945 we know that we were to be executed, as the orders came that we were not to leave our block, and were sent to work outside the camp. We remained in our block until the policewomen came to fetch us. After the policewomen came for us we left the block and hid among the other inmates. This way easy, owing to a large increase of internees, due to the evacuation from Auschwitz. We continued this existence until the liberation of the camp. I recognize the following people from the photographs shown me: Pflaum, Fischer, Suhren, Binz, Oberhauser, Rosenthal, Skene, Mory, Gebhardt, Treite, Winkelmann. (Signed) Zofia Sokulska."
Now turn to page 55 of your Honors' document books.
THE PRESIDENT: We will not proceed further with the admission of documents this morning. I shall now read an announcement by the Tribunal. In order that there may exist no confusion in the minds of counsel in the case now pending before this Tribunal concerning the status of exhibits offered heretofore by the prosecution. The Tribunal now states that all exhibits heretofore offered by the prosecution, to which objections by defendants' counsel were not sustained or taken under advisement for future ruling, are admitted in evidence, subject at final hearing or at any other time when the matter becomes pertinent, to argument by defendants' counsel concerning the probative value of any exhibit or any portion thereof.
The Secretary General will record the admission in evidence of the exhibits.
It is also understood that certain exhibits which consist of official documents which are now a part of the official records of any other proceeding or official file, may be withdrawn, and official certified copies whether photostats, photographs or any other appropriate form may be substituted for the originals.
The Tribunal will now be in recess until January 2nd 1947.
(The Tribunal adjourned until 2 January 1947, at 09:30 hours.)