By a decree of 8 March 1934, the Regional State Police Offices were separated from their organizational connection with the district government and established as independent authorities of the Gestapo.
That cites the Preussische Gesetzsammlung of 8 March 1934, page 143, our Document 2113-PS.
I now offer in evidence Document No. 1680-PS, USA Exhibit 477. This is an article Untitled "10 Years Security Police and SD", published in the German Police Fournal, the magazine of the Security Police and SD, of 1 February 1943. I quote one paragraph from this article on page 2 of the English translation, Document 1680, which is the third main paragraph:
"Parallel to that development in Prussia, the Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler, created in Bavaria the Bavarian political Police, and also suggested and directed in the other Federal States outside of Prussia the establishment of Political Police. The unification of the Political Police of all the Federal States took place in the Spring of 1934 when Herman Goering appointed Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler, who meanwhile had been nominated as Commander Of the Political Police Forces of all the Federal States possible."
The Prussian law about the Secret State Police, dated 10 February 1936, then summed up the development hitherto and determined the position and responsibilities of the Secret State Police in the executive regulations issued the same day.
On 10 February 1936, the basic law for the Gestapo was promulgated by Goering as Prussian Prime Minister. I refer to Document 2107-PS. This law provided that the Secret State Police had the duty to investigate and to combat in the entire territory of the State all tendencies inimical to the State, and declared that orders and matters of the Secret State Police were not subject to the review of the administrative courts. That is the Prussian State Law of that date, cited on pages 21-22 of the publication of the laws of 1936.
Also on that same date of 10 February 1936, a decree for the execution of the law was issued by Goering as Prussian Prime Minister and by Frick as Minister of the Interior. This decree provided that the Gestapo had authority to enact measures valid in the entire area of the State and measures affecting that area -- by the way, that is found in 2109-IS and is also a published law -- that it was the centralized agency for collecting political intelligence in the field of political police, and that it administered the concentration camps.
The Gestapo was given authority to make police investigations in cases of criminal attacks upon the Party as well as upon the State.
Later, on the 28th of August, 1936, a circular of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German police provided that as of 1 October 1936 the political police forces of the German provinces were to be called the "Geheime Staatspolizei." That means the Secret State Police. The Regional offices were still to be described as State police.
That translation of that law is in 2372-PS, Reichsministerial Gesetzblatt of 1936, No. 44, page 1344.
Later, on 20 September 1936, a circular of the Minister of Interior, Frick, commissioned the Gestapo Bureau in Berlin with the supervision of the duties of the political police commanders in all the states of Germany. That is Reichsministerial Gesetzblatt 1936, page 1343, our Document L-297.
The law regulating and relating to financial measures in connection with the police, of the 19th of March, 1937, provided that the officials of the Gestapo were to be considered direct officials of the Reich and their salaries, in addition to the operational expenses of the whole State Police, were to be borne from 1 April 1937 by the Reich. That is shown in Document 2243-PS, which is a copy of the law of 19 March 1937, page 325.
Thus, through the above laws and decrees, the Gestapo was established as a uniform political police system operating throughout the land and serving Party, State, and Nazi leadership.
In the course of the development of the SD, it came into increasingly close cooperation with the Gestapo and also with the Reich Kriminalpolizei, the Criminal Police, known as KRIPO, K-R-I-P-0, shown up there under AMT V. The SD was called upon to furnish information to various State authorities.
On the 11th of November, 1938, a decree of the Reich Minister of the Interior declared the SD to be the intelligence organization for the State as well as the Party, that it had the particular duty of supporting the Secret State Police, and that it thereby became active on a national mission. These duties necessitated a closer cooperation between the SD and the authorities for the General and Interior administration. That law is translated in 1638-PS.
The Tribunal has already received evidence concerning the decrees of 17 and 26 June, 1936, in which Himmler was appointed Chief of the German Police, and by which Heydrich became the first Chief of the Security Police and SD.
Even then Georing did not relinquish his position as Chief of the Prussian Gestapo. Thus, the decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police that was issued on the 28th of August, 1936 which is our Document 2073-PS, was distributed "to the Prussian Ministry President as Chief of the Prussian Secret State Police", being Mr. Goering.
On 27 September 1939, by order of Himmler in his capacity as Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police, the central offices of the Gestapo and SD, and also the Criminal Police, were centralized in the office of the Chief of the Security Police and SD under the name of RSHA, which Your Honors have heard described by Major Farr. Under this order the personnel and administrative sections of each agency were coordinated in Amt I and II of the chart shown here, of the RSHA. The operational sections of the SD became Amt III, shown in the box Amt III, except for foreign intelligence which was placed over in No. VI. The operational sections of the Gestapo became Amt IV, as shown on the chart, and the operational sections of the KRIPO, that is, the Criminal Police, became Amt V as shown on the chart.
Ohlendorf was named the Chief of Amt III, the SD inside Germany, and Mueller was named Chief of Amt IV, and Nebe was named Chief of Amt V, the KRIPO.
On the 27th of September, 1939, Heydrich, the Chief of the Security Police and SD, issued a directive pursuant to the order of Himmler in which he ordered that the designation and heading of RSHA be used exclusively in internal relations of the Reich Ministry of the Interior, and the heading "The Chief of the Security Police and SD" in transactions with outside persons and offices. The directive provided that the Gestapo would continue to use the designation and heading "Secret State Police" according to the particular instructions.
This order is Document L-361, U. S. Exhibit 478, which we now offer in evidence and refer Your Honors to the first paragraph.
That is found in the first volume.
I just direct your Honors attention to the date and to the subject, which is the amalgamation of the Zentralaemter of the Sicherheitspolizei, and creating the four sections, then the words, "will be joined to the RSHA in accordance with the following directives. This amalgamation carries with it no change in the position of the Aemter in the party nor in their local administration."
I might say here parenthetically, if the Tribunal please, that we like to think of the RSHA as being the so-called administrative office through which a great many of these organizations were administered, and then a number of these organizations, including the Gestapo, maintained their separate identity as an operational organization. I think a good illustration, if Your Honor will recall, is that during the war there may be a certain division or a certain air force which is administratively under a certain headquarters, and operationally, when they had an invasion, might be under the general supervision of somebody else who was operating a task force, so the RSHA was really the administrative office of a great many of these alleged criminal organizations.
Now then, the Gestapo and the SD were organized, functionally on the basis of the opponents to be combatted and the matters to be investigated.
I now invite the attention of the Tribunal to this chart which has already been identified, and I believe it is Exhibit No. 53. This chart -I am in error; that is the original identification number. This chart shows the main chain of command from Himmler, who was the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police to Kaltenbrunner, who was Chief of the Security Police and SD, and from Kaltenbrunner to the various field offices of the Gestapo and the SD.
We now formally offer in evidence this chart as Document L-219.
The chart itself is based upon the document which is L-29, and I ask that the charts be passed to the -- unless Your Honors desire -we have photostatic copies. You probably want to refer to the one on the wall.
This chart, from which the one on the wall is taken, has been certified by Otto Ohlendorf, Chief of Amt III of the RSHA, and by Walter Schellenberg, Chief of Amt VI of the RSHA, and has been officially identi-fied by both of those former officials.
The chart shows that the principal flow of command in police matters came from Himmler as Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German police directly to Kaltenbrunner who was the Chief of the Security Police and SD, and as such he was also head of theRSHA, which is the administrative office to which I have referred.
Kaltenbrunner's headquarters organization was composed of seven Aemter, plus a military office, the seven Aemter, plus a military office, the seven Aemter shown here.
Under subsection D was Obersturmbannfuehrer Rauff, who handled technical matters, including motor vechicles of the SIPO and SD, to which we will refer later.
Amt III was the SD inside Germany and was charged with investigations into spheres of German national life. It was the Internal intelligence organization of the police system and its interests extended into all areas occupied by Germany during the course of the war. In 1943 it contained four sections. I would like to mention them briefly. It shows their scope of authority.
Section A dealt with questions of legal order and structure of the Reich.
B dealt with nationality questions, including minorities, race, and health of the people.
C dealt with culture, including science, education, religion, press, folk culture, and art, and D dealt with economics, including food, commerce, finance, industry, labor, colonial economics, and occupied regions.
Now, Amt IV, with which we are dealing here, was the Gestapo and was charged with combatting opposition. In 1945, as identified by these two former officials, it contained six subsections.
1. Section A dealt with opponents, sabotage, and protective service, including Communism, Marxism, reaction and liberalism.
2. Section B dealt with political, churches, sects and Jews, including political. Catholicism, political Protestantism, other Churches, Freemasonry, and a special section, B-4, that had to do with Jewish affairs, matters of evacuation, means of suppressing enemies of the people and State, and dispossession of rights of German citizenship. The head of this office was Eichmann.
3. Section C dealt with protective custody.
4. Section D dealt with regions under German domination.
5. Section E dealt with security.
6. Section F dealt with passport matters and alien police.
Now, Amt V, which will be referred to as the KRIPO, was charged with combatting crime.
For example, Subsection D was the criminological institute for the SIPO and handled matters of identification, chemical and biological investigations, and technical research.
No. VI was the SD outside of Germany and was concerned primarily with foreign political intelligence. In 1944, the Abwehr, or military intelligence, was joined with Amt VI as the military Amt. Your Honors will recall that the witness Lahousen was in the Abwehr. Amt VI maintained its own regional organization.
And finally, Amt VII handled ideological research among enemies such as Freemasonry, Judaism, political churches, Marxism and liberalism.
Within Germany there were regional offices of the SD, the Gestapo, and the KRIPO, shown on the chart at the right. The Gestapo and KAIPO offices were often located in the same place and were always collectively referred to as the SIPO. You see that shady line around refers to the collective operation of the Gestapo and KRIPO, Gestapo, the Secret Police, and KRIPO, the Criminal Police. These regional offices all maintained their separate identity and reported directly to the section of the RSHA, that is, under Kaltenbrunner, which had the jurisdiction of the subject matter. They were, however, coordinated by the Inspekteurs of the Security Police and SD, as shown at the top of the chart. The Inspekteurs were also under the supervision of the higher SS and police leaders appointed for each Wehrkreis. The higher SS and police leaders reported to Himmler and supervised not only the Inspekteurs of the Security Police and SD, but also the Inspekteurs of the Order Police and various subdivisions of the SS.
In the occupied territories, the organization developed as the German armies advanced. Combined operational units of the Security Police and the SD, known as Einsatz Groups, about which Your Honors will hear in a few minutes, operated with and in the rear of the army. These groups were officered by personnel of the Gestapo and KRIPO and the SD, and the enlisted men were composed of Order Police and Waffen SS. They functioned with various Army groups. The Einsatz Groups -- and, if Your Honors will recall, Einsatzkommandos, Sonderkommandos, and Teilkommandos, all of which performed they are simply task force groups or special projects -- were divided into the functions of the Security Police and the SD, with or closely behind the Army.
After the occupied territories had been consolidated, the Einsatz Groups and their subordinate parts were formed into permanent combined offices of the Security Police and SD within the particular geographical location. These combined forces were placed under the Kommandeurs of the Security Police and SD, and the offices were organized in section similar to this RSHA headquarters. The Kommandeurs of the Security Police and SD reported directly to Befehlshabers of the Security Police and SD who in turn reported directly to the Chief of the Security Police and SD.
In the occupied countries, the higher SS and police leaders were more directly controlled by the Befehlshabers and the Kommandeurs of the Security Police and SD than within the Reich. They had authority to issue direct orders so long as they did not conflict with the Chief of the Security Police and SD who exercised controlling authority.
The above chart and the remarks concerning it are based upon two documents which I now offer in evidence.
They are Documents L-219, which is the organization plan of the RSHA of 1 October 1943, and Document 2346-PS.
Now, theprimary mission of the Gestapo and the SD was to combat the actual and ideological enemies of the Nazi regime and to keep Hitler and t Nazi leadership on power as specified in Count One of the Indictment.
The tasks and methods of the Secret State Police were well described in an article which is translated in Document 1956-PS, Volume 2 of the document book, which is an article published in January 1936 in Das Archiv, at page 1342, which I now offer in evidence and quote from.
It is on page 1 of th English translation, 1956.
I will first read the first paragraph and then the third and fourth paragraphs.
"In order to refute the malicious rumors spread abroad, the Voelkisch Beobachter published an article on the origin, meaning and tasks of the Secret State Police; extracts from this read as follows:"
Then skip to the third paragraph:
"The Secret State Police is an official machinery on the lines of the criminal police, whose special task is the prosecution of crimes and offenses against the State, above all the prosecution of high treason and treason.
The task of the Secret State Police is to detect these crimes and offenses, to ascertain the perpetrators and to bring them to judicial punishment.
The number of criminal proceedings continually pending in the People's CCourt on account of high treasonable actions and of treason is the result of this work.
The next most important field of operations for the Secret State Police is the preventive combatting of all dangers threatening the State and the leadership of the State.
As, since the National Socialist Revolution, all open struggle and all open opposition to the State and to the leadership of the State is forbidden, a Secret State Police as a preventive instrument in the struggle against all dangers threatening the State, is indissolubly bound up with the National Socialist Leader State.
The opponents of National Socialism were not removed by the prohibition of their orgainzations and their newspapers, but have with drawn to other forms of struggle against the State.
Therefore, the Nation al Socialist State has to trace out, to watch over and to render harmless the underground opponents fighting against it in illegal organizations, in camouflaged associations, in the coalitions of well meaning fellow Germans and even in the organizations of party and state before they have succeeded in actually executing an action directed against the interest of the state.
This task of fighting with all means the secret enemies of the state will be spared no Leader State, because powers hostile to the State from their foreign headquarters, always make use of some persons in such a state and employ them in underground activity against the state.
The preventive activity of the Secret Police consists primarily in the thorough observation of all enemies of the state in the Reichs Territory.
As the Secret State Police can not carry out, in addition to its primary executive tasks, this observation of the enemies of the State, to the extent necessary, there steps alongside to supplement it the Security Service of the Reichs Leader of the S.S., set up by the Deputy Fuehrer as the political intelligence service of the movement, which puts a large part of the forces of the movement mobilized by it into the ser vice of the security of the state.
The Secret State Police takes the necessary preventive measures agains the enemies of the State on the basis of the results of the observation.
The most effective preventive measure is, without doubt, the withdrawal of freedom, which is covered in the form of protective custody if it is to be feared that the free activity of the persons in question might endanger the security of the State in any way.
The employment of pro tective custody is so organized by directions of the Reichs and Prussian Minister of the Interior and by a special arrest procedure of the Secret State Police that, so far as the preventive fight against the enemies of the State permits, continuous guarantees against the mis-use of the protective custody are also provided."
THE PRESIDENT: Haven't we really got enough now as to the organization of the Gestapo and its objective?
COLONEL STOREY: Your Honor, I was through with the organization.
I was just going into the question of the action of protective custody, for which the Gestapo was famous, and showing how they went into that field of activity and the authority for taking people into protective custody -- alleged protective custody.
THE PRESIDENT: I think that has been proved more than once in the preceding evidence that we have heard.
COLONEL STOREY:There is one more I would like to refer to.
It is not subject to judicial review, unless that has been established.
I don't know whether Major Farr did that, or not.
THE PRESIDENT:They are not subject to judicial review?
COLONEL STOREY:Review, yes.
THE PRESIDENT:I think you have said that already this afternoon.
COLONEL STOREY:The citation is in the Reichsgesetzblatt of 1935, page 577, which is document 2347-PS.
I would like, if your Honors please, to refer to this quotation from that same law.
The decision of the Prussian High Court of Administration on the 2nd of May, 1935, held that the status of the Gestapo as a special police authority removed its orders from the jurisdiction of the administrative tribunal and the Court said in that law that the only redress available was by appeal to the next higher authority within the Gestapo.
THE PRESIDENT:I think you told us that, appropos of the document of the 10th of February, 1936, where you said it was not subject to review by any of the State Courts.
COLONEL STOREY:I just didn't want there to be any question about the authority.
I refer your Honors to document 1852B-PS, which is already in evidence, US 449, also stating that theory, and also document 1723-PS, and that is the decree, your Honor, of February 1, 1938, which relates to the protective custody and the issuance of new regulations, and I would like to quote just one sentence from that law--"...as a coercive measure of the Secret State Police against persons who endanger the security of the people and the State through their attitude in order to counter all aspirations of enemies of the people and State"--and that the Gestapo had the exclusive right to order protective custody and that protective custody was to be executed in the State concentration camps.
Now, I pass to another phase where the SD created an organization of agents and informers who operated through the various regional offices throughout the Reich and later in conjunction with the Gestapo and the criminal police throughout the occupied territories.
The SD operated secretly. One of the things it did was to secretly mark ballots in order to discover the identity of persons who cast "No" and "invalid votes" in the referendum.
I now offer in evidence document R 142, second volume.
I believe it is toward the end of the document book:
R 142, US Exhibit 481.
This document contains a letter from the branch office of the SD at Kochem to the SD at Koblenz.
The letter is dated 7th May, 1938, and refers to the plebiscite of April 10th, 1938.
It refers to a letter previously received from Koblenz office and apparently is a reply to a request for information concerning the way in which people voted in the supposedly secret plebiscite.
It is on page 1 of the document R 142.
THE PRESIDENT:Colonel Storey, I am told that that has been read before.
COLONEL STOREY:I didn't know it had, if your Honor please.
We will just offer it without reading it then.
With reference to National Socialism and the contribution of SIPO and the SD, I refer to an article of 7th September, 1942, which is shown in PS-3344. It is the first paragraph, volume 2. It is the official journal.
"Already before the taking over of power, the SD had added its part to the success of the National Socialist Revolution.
After the taking over of power the Security Police and the SD have borne the responsibility for the inner security of our Reich and have paved the way for a powerful fulfilment of National Socialism against all resistance."
In connection with the criminal responsibility of SD and the Gestapo, it will be considered with respect to certain war crimes and crimes against humanity, which were in principal part committed by the centralized political police system.
The development, organization and tasks have been considered before.
In some instances the crimes were committed in cooperation or in conjunction with other groups or organizations.
Now, in order to look into the strength of these various organizations, I have some figures here that I would like to quote to your Honors.
The SIPO and SD was composed of the Gestapo, Kripo and SD.
The Gestapo was the largest, and it has a membership of about 40,000 to 50,000 in 1934 and 1935.
That is an error; it is 1943 to 1945.
It was the political force of the Reich.
THE PRESIDENT:Did you say the date was wrong?
COLONEL STOREY:Yes, it is '43 to'45.
THE PRESIDENT:Very well.
THE TRIBUNAL; (Mr. Diddle): Where are you speaking from?
COLONEL STOREY:Document 3033-PS, and it is an affidavit of Walter Schellenberg, one of the former officials I referred to a moment ago.
I believe, if Your Honor please, to get it in the record, I'll read the whole affidavit. Document 3033-PS.
"The SIPO and SD was composed of the Gestapo, KRIPO and SD. In 1943-45 the Gestapo had a membership of about 40,000 to 50,000; the KRIPO had a membership of about 15,000; and the SD had a membership of about 3,000. In common usage, and even in orders and decrees the term "SD" was used as an abbreviation for the term "SIPO and SD". In most such cases actual executive action was carried out by personnel of the Gestapo rather than of the SD or the KRIPO. In occupied territories members of the Gestapo frequently were SS uniforms with SD insignia. Now members of the Gestapo and the SD were taken on a voluntary basis. This has been stated and sworn to by me today the 21st of November 1945." And then, subscribed and sworn to before Lt. Harris, 21 November, 1945.
I think I ought to say here, if Your Honors please, that it is our information that a greaty many of the members of the Gestapo were also members of the SS. We have heard various statements of the amount, but nave noddirect authority. Some authorities say as much as 75 per cent, but still we have no direct evidence on that.
I now offer in evidence document 2753-PS, which is US Exhibit 482. It is an affidavit of Alfred Helmut Naujocks, 2751-PS, dated November 20, 1945. This affidavit particularly refers to the actual occurrences in connection with the Polish border incident. I believe it was referred to by the witness Lahousen when he was on the stand.
I, ALFRED HELMUT NAUJOCKS, being first duly sworn, depose and state as follows:
1. I was a member of the SS from 1931 to 19 October 1944 and a member of the SD from its creation in 1934 to January 1941. I served as a member of the Waffen-SS from February 1941 until the middle of 1942.
Thereafter, I served in the Economic Department of the Military Administration of Belgium from September 1942 to September 1944.
I surrendered to the Allies on 19 October 1944.
2. On or about 10 August 1939, the chief of the SIPO and SD, Heydrich, personally ordered me to simulate an attack on the radio station near Gleiwitz near the Polish border and to make it appear that the attacking force consisted of Poles. Heydrich said, "Practical proof is needed for these attacks of the Poles for the foreign press as well as for German propaganda purposes." I was directed to go to Gleiwitz with five or six other SD-men and wait there until I received a code word from Heydrich indicating that the attack should take place. My instructions were to seize the radio station and to hold it long enough to permit a Polish speaking German who would be put at my disposal to broadcast a speech in Polish. Heydrich told me that this speech should state that the time had come for conflict between Germans and Poles and that the Poles should get together and smash down any Germans from whom they met resistance. Heydrich also told me at this time that he expected an attack on Poland by Germany in a few days.
requested permission of Heydrich to return to Berlin but was told to stay 3. I went to Gleiwitz and waited there fourteen days.
Then I in Gleiwitz. Between the 25th and 31st of August I went to see Heinrich Mueller, head of the Gestapo, who was then nearby at Oppeln. In my presence Mueller discussed with a man named Mehlhorn plans for another border incident, in which it should be made to appear that Polish soldiers were attacking German troops. Germans in the approximate strength of a company were to be used. Mueller stated that he had 12 or 13 condemned criminals who were to be dressed in Polish uniforms and left dead on the ground of the scene of the incident, to show that they had been killed while attacking. For this purpose they were to be given fatal injections by a doctor employed by Heydrich. Then they were also to be given gunshot wounds. After the incident members of the press and other persons were to be taken to the spot of the incident. A police report was subsequently to be prepared.
4. Mueller told me that he had an order from Heydrich to make one of those criminals available to me for the action at Gleiwitz. The code name by Which he referred to these criminals was "Canned Goods".
5. The incident at Gleiwitz in which I participated was carried out on the evening preceding the German attack on Poland. As I recall, war broke out on the 1st of September 1939. At noon of the 31st August I received by telephone from Heydrich the code word for the attack which was to take place at 8 o'clock that evening. Heydrich said, "In order to carry out this attack report to Mueller for Canned Goods." I did this and gave Mueller instructions to deliver the man near the radio station. I received this man and had him laid down at the entrance to the station. He was alive but he was completely unconscious. I tried to open his eyes. I could not recognize by his eyes that he was alive, only by his breathing. I did not see the shot wounds but a lot of blood was smeared across his face. He was in civilian clothes.
three to four minutes over an emergency transmitter, fired some pistol shots 6. We seized the radio station as ordered, broadcast a speech of and left.
The facts stated above are true; this declaration is made by me voluntarily and without compulsion; after reading over the statement I have signed and executed the same at NURNBERG/Germany this 20th day of November 1945.
/s/ Alfred Helmut Naujocks ALFRED HELMUT NAUJOCKS Subscribed and sworn to before me this 20th day of November 1945 at NURNBERG/Germany.
/s/ John B. Martin JOHN B. MARTIN Lt. (jg)USNR I, Ilse Grainger, Civilian, do hereby certify that I am a qualified translator of the German language; that the attached translation is a true and correct translation of the above statement.
This 20th day of November 1945 at NURNBERG, Germany.
/s/ ILse Grainger ILSE GRAINGER.
The Gestapo and the SD carried out mass murders of hundreds of thousands of civilians of occupied countries as a part of the Nazi program to exterminate political and racial undesirables, by the so-called Einsatz Groups.
Your Honors will recall the evidence concerning the activity of these Einsatz Groups of Einsatzcommandos. I now refer to Document R-102.
If Your Honors please, I understand Major Farr introduced this document this morning, but I want to refer to just one brief statement which he did not include concerning the SD and the Einsatz Group and Security Police. It is on Page 4 of R-102:
"During the period covered by this report the stations of the Task Forces of the Security Police and the SD have changed only in the Northern Sector."
THE PRESIDENT:What was the document?
COLONEL STOREY:R-102, which is already introduced in evidence by Major Farr, and it is in volume 2 toward the end of the book.
THE PRESIDENT:I have a document here. Page 4, is it? COLONEL STOREY: Page 4, yes, sir. There are two reports submitted by the Chief of the Einsatz Group A available. The first report is document L 180, which has already been received as US Exhibit -
THE PRESIDENT:Colonel Storey, will you not pass quite so fast from one document to another?
COLONEL STOREY:Yes, sir, pardon me, sir. L-180, and I want to quote from page 13. It is on page 5 of the English translation. It is the beginning of the first paragraph, near the bottom of the page:
"In view of the extension of the area of operations and of the great number of duties which had to be performed by the Security Police, it was intended from the very beginning to obtain the cooperation of the reliable population for the fight against vermin; that is, mainly the Jews and, Communists."
And also in that same document, Page 30 of the original, page 9 of the English translation:
"From the beginning it was to be expected that the Jewish problem could not be solved by pogroms alone."