I think his name appears on our big chart. Amtsgruppe D is the fourth one down of the orange-colored blocks.
THE PRESIDENT: I see.
MR. McHANEY: Amtsgruppe D was the organization of the WVHA which had direct control over the concentration camp, that is the administrative control over that. For that reason you will find mention made more often of the names of Maurer, Gluecks and Lolling and other people in the WVHA who were members of Amtsgruppe D, one or the other of those offices.
Document 1971-c-PS on Page 27 is Prosecution Exhibit 195.
And here Rascher, as the Tribunal will recall, sends a teletype to Rudolph Brandt, asking him if the Poles and Russians used in these experiments who had been condemned to death should be pardoned if they lived through their very severe experiences, as ho described it.
And on page 28, Document 1971-d-PS, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 196, is a similar teletype, from Schnitzler who, as I recall, was the -- I am not sure whether he was the concentration camp commander at Dachau or the local representative of the Reichs-sturm SS in Munich. They had a local administrative office in Munich. I am not sure whether Schnitzler was in that office or was camp commander at Dachau. In any event, Brandt -- I am sorry. This is a teletype from Brandt to Schnitzler telling Schnitzler to inform Rascher that the amnesty did not apply to Poles and Russians.
Document 1581-b-PS will be Prosecution Exhibit 197. That is on page 29, a letter from Nini Rascher to Rudolf Brandt asking if permission can be given to take colored pictures of the autopsies of persons who had died during the experiments.
Document 1581-c-PS, on page 30, will be Prosecution Exhibit 198. This is a telegram from Rudolf Brandt to Gluecks, chief of Amtsgruppe D, saying that the Reichsfuehrer SS has granted permission for the making of colored photographs by Dr. Rascher, and will he please take steps accordingly.
Document NO-218, on page 31, will be prosecution Exhibit 199. This is a letter from Rascher to Himmler reporting on further experiments, in which he discloses that he had repeated the interesting experiments where the person apparently continued to live after having been killed four times, that is, four additional experiments were carried out, all of which resulted in death.
Document NO-220-a, on page 32, will be Prosecution's Exhibit 200. This is another letter from Rascher to Himmler, stating that he is forwarding a report again on the experiments, which is not available, and mentioning the pathological preparations which are being carried out by the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute.
Those, of course, are examinations being made on persons killed during the course of the experiments.
Document NO-032, on page 33, will be Prosecution Exhibit 201. This is a series of three or four documents dealing with the support of the WVHA of the Ahnenerbe Institute, which I am sure is familiar to the Tribunal. The Ahnenerbe was the organization which originally was concerned with research into matters of heredity, heraldry, racial background and things of that kind. The Defendant Sievers could undoubtedly talk for a week about what this organization did, but the particular thing we are interested in is that in 1942 they established within the Ahnenerbe an Institute for Military Scientific Research, and that institute played a very prominent part in substantially all the medical experiments carried out on concentration camp inmates. And the document now to go in shows that this institute was supported out of funds furnished by the WVHA.
The first letter is dated 10 July 1941. That is NO-032, and will be Prosecution Exhibit 201. And this was at a time prior to the formation of the Institute for Military Scientific Research. It is a letter from Brandt to SS Gruppenfuehrer Berger, who was chief of the SS Central Office, or SS Haupt. Amt. And it deals with a variety of subjects. But paragraph 1 is the one I would like to call to the attention of the Tribunal. It reads:
"SS-Gruppenfuehrer Pohl, together with SS-Standartenfuehrer Wuest, is to see the Reich Treasurer somewhere in the near future to make him acquainted with some more details concerning the 'Ahnenerbe.' It would be very appropriate if you would instruct SS-Gruppenfuehrer Pohl adequately, or if you would, either alone or together with SS-Standartenfuehrer Wuest, see the Reich Treasurer."
This indicates that even prior to the formation of the Institute for Military Scientific Research Pohl was familiar with the Ahnenerbe and was obtaining funds in support of it.
The next document is NO-422, on page 35, and it will be Prosecution Exhibit 202.
This is the order from Himmler, dated 7 July 1942, which orders the establishment of the Institute for Military Scientific Research. It is directed to Sievers and it reads:
"I request the Ahnenerbe 1. to establish an Institute for Military Scientific Research; 2. to support in every possible way the research carried out by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt and to promote all corresponding research and undertakings; 3. to make available the required apparatus, equipment, accessories and assistants, or to procure them; 4. to make use of the facilities available in Dachau; 5. to contact the Chief of the SS Economic and Administrative Main Office with regard to the costs which can be borne by the Waffen-SS."
Copy mailed to the Chief of the Economic and Administrative Main Office, SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl.
The name Hirt will occur again in a subsequent document book, as I stated before. He is the man who among other things carried out the poison gas experiments. He was also distinguished for his part in the Jewish skeleton collection.
Document NO-920, page 36, will be Prosecution Exhibit 203. This is a file note concerning the financing of the Institute for Military Scientific Research, dated 22 July 1942, and states that the Institute will be financed by the Waffen SS. The second paragraph reads:
"This decision has been forwarded to the Administrative and Economic Main Office. SS-Brigadefuehrer Loerner, Chief of Amtsgruppe B, of the Administrative and Economic Main Office is in charge of financial matters."
JUDGE PHILLIPS: Which Learner is that?
MR. McHANEY: That is George, your Honor. Defense Counsel for George feels that the writer of that note made a grievous mistake in mentioning George's name here. George was the Chief of Amtsgruppe B, which was primarily concerned with supply problems at that time at least for the Waffen SS, and I don't think Loerner's attorney feels that it really should be Hans Loerner, because he was in the Admini strative Office, which was Amtsgruppe A. Of course -
THE PRESIDENT: How does Hans' attorney feel about it?
MR. McHANEY: Unless he is the same man. Because we also have a similar note which mentions Hans' name.
THE PRESIDENT: Who wrote this letter, Mr. McHaney?
MR. McHANEY: If I had the original exhibit I might be able to tell. (A short pause.)
I'm sorry, your Honor, but I honestly don't know. As a matter of fact, it cannot be seen from the document itself from which office it originated. If I knew that, I might be able to make a guess, but the answer to that I just don't know.
JUDGE MUSMANNO: Probably someone in Himmler's office.
MR. McHANEY: It would appear so. It follows closely on the order of July 7th ordering the establishment. This note is dated 22 July 1942.
This note is dated 22 July 1942. The next document on page 37 is NO-266 which would be Prosecution Exhibit 204, and this is dated 29 October 1942, and this one brings in Georg's brother, Hans Loerner. It is a letter addressed to the personal staff of the Reichsfuehrer SS of which Rudolf Brandt was a member, and refers back to the order of the Reichsfuehrer inferring the establishment of the Institute for Scientific Military Research, and it reads in the second paragraph that "As far as expenses for the Institute are to be met, they are to be disbursed out of funds of the Waffen-SS by the cashier of the personal staff, as follows:"
Then he gives the two accounts signed by The Chief of the Budget Office, Loernor, SS-Standartenfuehrer. That is Office S-1 of Amtsgruppe A, the first line of offices at the tap--Office A-1, that is the one on the left-hand side here. And I think that shows that Hans Loerner who is chief of that office. We also find the same file mark, the dictation mark, up at the top of the document under the letterhead where it says "A I, Loerner."
On page 38 we have another affidavit from Rudolf Brandt, document NO-242, the Prosecution Exhibit 205. This is a reasonably complete outline of the freezing experiments. I would only call the Tribunal's attention to paragraph 12 on page 40, where it says that "Himmler wrote to SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Oswald Pohl, Chief of the WVHA, regarding his visit to Dachau in November 1942, at which time he had observed the freezing experiments. He informed Pohl that he had ordered the suitable women be set aside for the purpose of warming-up the experimental subjects."
Incidentally, I might observe at this point that after the Institute for Scientific Military Research was established withing the Ahnenerbe, that Rascher was one of the first gentlemen to be taken into the society, and he headed what was known as Department "R" within the Institute for Military Scientific Research.
Department "R"--being Department Rascher. Hert also was a member being the head of Department "H". And I think that one or two of the documents later on will perhaps clarify that notation on the letterhead indicating that he was a member of it.
The next document on page 44 is document 1618-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 206. This is an interim report of the freezing experiments which were begun on the 15th of August 1942. And here he outlines very briefly how the experiments were carried out and states that certain of the experimental subjects died as a result of the experiments.
THE PRESIDENT: Is there any way to tell to whom this letter is addressed?
MR. MC HANEY: If the Tribunal pleases, I am quite sure that it was sent to Himmler. I do not think the cover letter is in here, but I have a vague recollection that I have seen it somewhere in which reference is made to this interim report. Perhaps it is in a later letter which refers to it.
THE PRESIDENT: We had the same letter in the Milch case in which it was conceded that it was sent to Himmler. I wanted the same concession on this record.
MR. MC HANEY: Well, I would not urge that it's been sent to Pohl. I think it undoubtedly was sent to Himmler. I am prepared to concede that. On page 47, we have document NO-285 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 207, a letter from Rascher to Rudolf Brandt, I think. And here he states that the experiments have been completed except those to test the effectiveness of using body warmth in re-warming the experimental subject. On page 48, document 1619-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 208, this is a telegram to Rudolf Brandt stating that the commander of the Dachau concentration camp asks that Gluecks' Chief of Amtsgruppe D, of the WVHA, be instructed to send from Ravensbruck to Dachau four warm women to be used in the freezing experiments. On the next page, 1619-PS; that is part of the same document, Your Honors; also Exhibit 208 is a teletype from Meine, who was in the personal staff of the Reichsfuehrer SS, and subordinated, I think, to the defendant Rudolf Brandt in the Medical Case to Gluecks, instructing him to have--or, asking him to have--four women sent down to Dachau.
On page 50, Document NO-428, we have the report on the cooling experiments carried out by Rascher, Loerner and Finke. This report covers the experiments prior to--about the middle of October, 1942, as I recall. Subsequent to that time, I think it is true that Dr. Holzloerner and Dr. Finke no longer worked with Rascher. In other words, they completed a certain series of experiments roughly at a time before the meeting in Nurnberg on freezing problems by the Luftwaffe. This is a very long report which I am sure the Tribunal is familiar with. It shows in one of the appendices that, as I recall, seven persons were admittedly killed during the course of the experiments. I am not sure I offered this. This is prosecution Exhibit 209. On page 101, document NO-323, will be Prosecution Exhibit 210. This is a memo from Rascher; undoubtedly reached the hands of Himmler although it does not appear on the memo itself, dated 5 November '42, and, as the Tribunal will recall, he was outraged by the fact that a young girl with obvious Nordic characteristics was sent down to him from Ravensbruck to be used to re-warm the persons who were frozen in these experiments, and he refused to use here for that purpose. He also made the remark, or reported, that this girl had stated that she had volunteered for the brothel because she felt that it was better to spend a half-year in the brothel than in the concentration camp; and that he had promised to release her if she did volunteer for the brothel. This upset Himmler quite a lot, as we see from the following document, which is 1583-PS, page 102.
That will be Prosecution Exhibit 211, which is a letter from Himmler, dated 16 November 1942, sent to Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl. The translation, if the Tribunal please, says "Dear OHL," O-H-L. It should read "Dear POHL." In this letter Himmler passes on the comment by Rascher and describes the SS-man who promised the woman that she would be released if she volunteered for the brothel as being a madman, and exerted Pohl to make an investigation of the women in concentration camps, and see that such things did not occur. I also call the Tribunal's attention to the fact that Pohl is very clearly put on record in the first paragraph as to what was going on down in Dachau, in the freezing experiments.
On page 104, Prosecution Exhibit 212; this is a letter from Rudolf Brandt to the defendant Pohl, dated 20 November 1942, and it might be worthwhile reading it. It is quite short.
"Dear Obergruppenfuehrer, The Reichsfuehrer SS requests that SSHauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Rascher whose transfer from the Luftwaffe to the SS is worked on right now, is to be assisted as much as possible in his experimentation at Dachau."
"Rascher suggested to the Reichsfuehrer SS to adjust the heating pads in both pockets of the great coats, then one pad between the trouser band and the waist-bandage, and during severe cold, to put one pad in each hollor of the knee of soldiers detailed for guard duties to keep the great blood-vessels warm, and then above all, to put socks filled with heating material between the sole of the leather boots and the sole of the felt boot to prevent the foot from freezing when getting wet."
"Will you please give orders that the clothing plant in Dachau assist SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Rascher by producing the necessary experimental clothing."
"Heil Hitler ... signed. Brandt."
Now the Tribunal will recall -- and will see from subsequent documents -- that Rascher also carried out what he called "dry-cold" experiments to distinguish from "wet cold" experiments in water.
Dry-Cold -- they had the people standing outdoors for extended periods of time, and in freezing weather, and this suggestion here comes from a report which Rascher wrote on the cry-cold experiments, and methods of preventing freezing on persons who were subjected to severe cold. I call the Tribunal's attention to the last paragraph where he says to Pohl: "Will you please give orders that the clothing plant in Dachau assist ... Rascher by producing the necessary experimental clothing."
That clothing plant was under the direction of the WVHA, and, more specifically, was subordinated to the defendant Georg Loerner, which can be seen from the documents introduced in document book II. That was document NO-053 and was Prosecution's Exhibit 43. The Tribunal may not care to turn back to it. It is that chart of Amtsgruppe B, to which some objection, I think, was raised; and shows the table of organization of Amtsgruppe B, under Georg Loerner. And, under that, it has Clothing Factory of the Waffen-SS, Dachau; SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Krug. Prosecution submits that it was the clothing factory under Georg Loerner which was ordered to prove the experimental clothing to be used in the freezing experiments.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will recess until tomorrow morning at 9:30.
THE MARSHAL: This Tribunal is in recess until 0930 tomorrow morning.
(The Tribunal adjourned until 11 April 1947, at 0930 hours.)
Court No. II - Case No. 4 Official Transcript of the American Military Tribunal in the matter of the United States of America against Oswald Pohl, et al.
, defendants, sitting at Nurnberg, Germany on 11 April, 1947, 0930 - 1630, Justice Robert M. Toms, presiding.
THE MARSHAL: All persons in the Court please take your seats.
The Honorable, the Judges of Military Tribunal No. 2.
Military Tribunal No. 2 is now in session. God save the United States of America and this Honorable Tribunal.
There will be order in the Court.
THE PRESIDENT: Case No. 4, the United States of America against Oswald Pohl and others is before the Tribunal. The Marshal will determine whether all the defendants named in the indictment are present in court.
THE MARSHAL: May it please Your Honors, all the defendants are present.
MR.McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, the Prosecution request the witness Victor Abend be called to the witness stand.
THE PRESIDENT: The Marshal will bring the witness requested.
JUDGE PHILLIPS: Witness, will you please raise your hand and repeat after me. I swear by God Almighty and Omniscient that I will speak the pure truth and will withhold and add nothing.
THE WITNESS: I swear.
JUDGE PHILLIPS: You may be seated.
DIRECT EXAMINATION BY MR. McHANEY:
Q. Your name is Victor Abend?
A. Yes.
Court No. II - Case No. 4
Q. And when and where were you born?
A. I was born on 1 April 1901 at Jaroslaw.
Q. Are you a citizen of Poland?
A. Yes.
Q. What is your profession?
A. I am a physician.
Q. What is your present address?
A. Aussere Prinzregentenstr. 9.
Q. Where did you study medicine?
A. First I attended the medical school at Vienna, and later on at Krakow, where I also passed my medical service examination.
Q. When did you begin your practice of medicine?
A. In the year of 1931.
Q. Where was this?
A. In Krakow.
Q. How long did you continue your practice in Krakow?
A. Until the outbreak of the war in 1939.
Q. And what happened then?
A. After a regular appeal that the Polish citizens were to go towards the East, I went to the East.
Q. Did there come a time when you were sent to a concentration camp?
A. Yes.
Q. When were you arrested?
A. In the year of 1943.
Q. Where?
A. At Tarnow.
Q. And what happened after you were arrested?
A. I was sent to Schoebnik in a concentration camp.
Q. How long did you stay there?
Court No. II - Case No. 4
A. For forty-five weeks.
Q. Then what happened to you?
A. Then I was transferred to Auschwitz.
Q. With how large a transport did you go to Auschwitz?
A. There were quite a few people.
Q. Well, was there a trainload?
A. Yes.
Q. Were you transported in freight cars?
A. Yes.
Q. How many prisoners were put into each car?
A. Quite a number.
Q. Well, were there as many as seventy-five?
A. It depends on the size of the freight car.
Q. Was it very crowded?
A. It was very full. They were fully occupied.
Q. How long were you on the road?
A. Approximately four days and nights.
Q. Did you have anything to eat or drink during this journey?
A. No.
Q. Did the prisoners suffer much during this transporting?
A. Very much.
Q. And what happened after your arrival at Auschwitz?
A. In Auschwitz each car was unloaded separately.
Q. Then what did they do. Go ahead and describe what happened to you after you arrived in Auschwitz, what happened to you and the rest of the transport?
A. When our freight car was opened up at Auschwitz, several people within the car almost fell out unconscious, and part of them were driven out with whips and beatings. We then had to place ourselves before the camp physician. This camp physician asked us for our age and our profession. He then pointed with a finger, so and so (indicating). I went this way, to the left. After our car had been unloaded other cars were also unloaded, and they were given the same procedure.
When all the freight cars had been unloaded we were sent with SS guards who were heavily armed, and we were surrounded by them. We wore without shoes, without pants, without gloves. Then we were sent into the camp under severe beatings. We were also hit with rifles and bayonets.
In the camp itself we were sent into a stable, where we spent all night and where we had to stand up all night long.
The following day we went to be tattooed, again under severe beatings.
Q. Were you tattooed?
A. Yes, I have the number 160879.
Q. Do you know whether they tattooed inmates in other concentration camps or not?
A. Only at Auschwitz.
Q. In other words, any inmate who has a tattoo on his arm was an innate of Auschwitz; is that right?
A. Yes, that is correct.
Q. Will you continue.
JUDGE PHILLIPS: Will you let me get the number he gave?
Q. What is the number of your tattoo?
A. 160879.
Q. What happened to you after you were tattooed? What work were you finally assigned to, witness?
A. After we had been tattooed, we went to the sauna. There our hair was cut off, and we took a bath.
Then, after the whole transport was assembled outside -- and it was very cold at that time -- we went to the camp Birkenau, and we came into Camp A. There were ten camps.
Q. You were sent to the camp Birkenau, Auschwitz?
A. We were sent to the camp Auschwitz-Birkenau.
Q. And what work did you do there?
A. Upon our arrival, we first had to stand a formation on the parade ground. There we were counted, and then we had to do some drilling exercises. Only after several hours did we enter the block.
Q. Before we forget about it, witness, what happened to the group that was sent to the right, after the transport arrived?
A. After a certain number had accumulated, these people were loaded on trucks without any guards and, accompanied only by a single SS man, who was seated in the front of the truck, they were led out.
Q. And do you know what happened to them?
A. Yes.
Q. What.
A. In the camp we were told that all the persons who had stood on the right side and all the persons who had been loaded on trucks were sent directly to the crematorium.
Q. Do you mean they were gassed?
A. First they were gassed, and then they were sent into the crematorium.
Q. No, Doctor, did you work as an inmate-physician in Birkenau?
A. No.
Q. What did you do?
A. At first I had to do physical labor.
Q. All right. Then what did you do?
A. Then I became a nurse in a block.
Q. What block was this?
A. In Block 4.
Q. And who were the SS doctors there who were over you? Do you know any of their names?
A. At the time when I was in, Dr. Hellmersen was there, and later on Dr. Stiller.
Q. Who was the doctor who selected the inmates to go to the right or to the loft after your transport arrived? Do you know his name?
A. That was Fischer.
Q. And how long did you work in Block 4 as a male nurse?
A. For approximately eight to ten days.
Q. And then what did you do?
A. Then I was transferred to Camp F, the so-called hospital part of the camp.
Q. And did you work as a male nurse there?
A. There I again worked at the hospital as a nurse.
Q. What block was that called, do you remember?
A. That was the infectious block.
Q. Did they have typhus patients there?
A. Yes.
Q. And, now, how long did you work there?
A. I worked there until the time I was transported from Auschwitz. That was until October 1944.
Q. And you arrived in the camp in October 1943; is that correct?
A. Yes, that is correct. That was at the end of October.
Q. So you were in Auschwitz approximately a year; is that right?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, from your place of work in Auschwitz, were you in a position to see any of the crematoria?
A. Yes.
Q. Can you tell the Tribunal whether or not large numbers of persons were being gassed and cremated in Auschwitz?
A. A very large number.
Q. Do you remember in the year 1944 whether or not there was a large number of transports of Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz?
A. Yes. That was in April, the end of April and perhaps in early May in 1944. That is when large transports of Hungarian Jews arrived.
Q. And what happened to those Hungarian Jews?
A. They also were selected in the selection procedure, and a certain number of people were again gassed and cremated.
Q. Were there so many people being gassed at this time that the normal facilities were not adequate?
A. Do you mean the facilities of the crematorium?
Q. Both the crematorium and the gas chamber.
A. Yes.
Q. Well, will you tell us how they gassed those who were unable to go into the normal gas chambers? How did they take care of that?
A They were cremated at Pscezinki.
Q Did they have a large barn there into which they crowded the people and then dropped the gas in through the chimney?
A No, it was a small barn, and it was usually known under the name of the white house.
Q And will you describe that to us, what happened there?
A The people were crowded into this barn, and after the whole barn was already filled up with people the door was closed, and gas was thrown in through certain flaps.
Q And were the people always killed by the gas?
A Yes, in part, but part of them remained alive.
Q What did they do with those?
A Those who were still alive were thrown into the fire.
Q And was this a way of cremating the bodies, that they dug big ditches close to this white house in which they built a fire and cremated the bodies?
A Holes were made there and wood was placed into these holes. Gas was poured on the wood and then the whole thing was inflamed.
Q Now, Witness, do you know whether or not they took the clothes and valuables, trunks, similar items, from the inmates at Auschwitz whey they arrived?
A Yes, all valuables were taken away from us and all our clothing. Our laundry was taken away from us also.
Q Were there large quantities of clothing and shoes, valuables at Auschwitz which were taken away?
A There was a very large number.
Q Do you know what happened to that clothing and those valuables?
A They were loaded and sent away.
Q Loaded into what, freight cars?
A Into freight cars.
Q And was there a name around the camp by which these valuables were known, did the inmates have some expression they used with respect to the shipment of those clothing items?
A Yes.
Q What was that?.
A Well, it was usually said, "Here are the presents from Poland, for Pohl."
Q Will you please repeat the answer?
A It was usually said that these were presents for Pohl.
Q And was that a common way of expressing these shipments of clothing and other valuables?
A Yes, that is what was said.
Q Do you know who Pohl was?
A No, I did not know it at that time.
Q Now, you say you left Auschwitz in November, 1944, or October, 1944?
A In October, 1944.
Q And where did you go then?
A Then I was sent to Ohrdruf by Oranienburg and Sachsenhausen.
Q And where was Ohrdruf?
A It was called Buchenwald S-3 Ohrdruf.
Q In other words, it was an outside camp of the concentration camp Buchenwald, is that right?
A Yes.
Q Now, what was being done at S-3 Ohrdruf?
A On the troop parade grounds we had to build bombs.
Q What other work were they doing, what construction work?
A We had to build railroad tracks, and we had to flatten them, we had to flatten the ground.
Q Were they digging any tunnels in Ohrdruf, underground construction work?
A Yes.
Q And how many prisoners, inmates, were there in Ohrdruf S-3?
A Quite a few.
Q Well, were there as many as five or six thousand?
A Perhaps even more.
Q And what work did you do in Ohrdruf?
AAt Ohrdruf I was first sent to the northern part of the camp.
Q Pardon me a minute, were there two camps, one known as the north camp and another known as the south camp?
A Yes.
Q And you went to the north camp first, is that correct?
A Yes, that is correct.
Q How long did you stay there?
A Perhaps three weeks.
Q And what work did you do?
A In the first place I went to work with the horse-drawn vehicle detachment.
Q And what did they do?
A We had to go from the northern camp to the southern camp, and there at one certain place we had to wait, then three vehicles drawn by horses arrived. They were accompanied by SS men, and then we came into motion, and we drove to Krawinkel and from there we drove into a wood where under the snow we had to collect the branches, and then we loaded them on the vehicles, and then we had to take them back to a certain place where we unloaded them.
Q Now, what did you do when you moved to the south camp in November, 1944, what work did you do in the south camp?
A In the southern camp I worked as a nurse.
Q Now, can you tell us what clothing was issued to the inmates working at Ohrdruf S-3?
A Yes, we were issued the following, wooden shoes, trousers, and also jackets.