As he states in a letter of 18 November, these objections are expressed only now although Dr. Blome and Dr. Hohlfelder and myself have spent months of preliminary work on examination, clarification and straightening out the whole procedure.
"I enclose a copy of Blome's letter of 18 November for your information and ask that you particularly read pages 3, 3a and 4 and then tell me whether you consider it necessary to inform the Fuehrer of this phase of the procedure and perhaps ask him if such action is to be refused.
"I personally don't think that we have to consult the Fuehrer again in this matter, all the more since he told me at the last interview concerning the Jews that I should act according to my own judgment.
"Would you please lot me know your opinion, Reichsfuehrer, in order to avoid unnecessary delay in starting the procedure.
"Heil Hitler! Greiser."
Attached to this we have a letter of Blome, given a document number NO250 and which will be offered as Prosecution Exhibit Number 203. I don't believe in the entire presentation of this case we will come across such a masterpiece of murderous intent as this document is. This is dated 18 November 1942, from Dr. Kurt Blome, Deputy Head of the Main Office for Public Health of the NSDAP, directed to the Reich Governor and Gauleiter Party Member Greiser in Posen.
"Regards Tuberculosis action in the Warthegau.
"Dear Party Member Greiser, "Today I return to our various conversations concerning the fight against tuberculosis in your Gau; and I will give you, as agreed on the 9th of this month in Munich, a detailed picture of the situation as it appears to me:
"Conditions for quickly getting hold of all consumptives in your Gau exist. The total population of your Gau amounts to about four to five million people, of which about 835,000 are Germans. According to previous observations, the number of consumptives in the Warthe Gau is far greater than the average number in the old Reich. It was calculated that in 1939 there were among the Poles about 35,000 persons suffering from open tuberculosis and besides this number about 120,000 other consumptives in need of treatment.
In this connection it must be mentioned that in spite of the evacuation of part of the Poles further to the cast the number of sick persons is at least as great as in 1939. As in consequence of the war the living and food conditions have deteriorated steadily, one must expect an even higher number.
"With the settlement of Germans in all parts of the Gau, an enormous danger has arisen for them. A number of cases of infection of settled children and adults occurs daily.
"What goes for the Warthe Gau must to a certain degree also hold true for the other annexed territories such a s Danzig-West Prussia, the administrative districts of Ziechenau and Kattewitz. There are cases of Germans settled in the Warthe Gau who refuse to have their families follow because of the danger of infection. If such behavior is imitated and if our compatriots see that necessary measures for combatting tuberculosis among the Poles are not carried out, it is to be expected that the necessary further immigration will come to a halt. In such a way the settlement program for the East might reach an undesired state.
"Therefore, something basic must be done soon. One must decide the most efficient way in which this can be done. There are three ways to be taken into consideration:
"1. Special treatment (Soncerbehandlung) of the seriously ill persons.
"2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.
"3. Creation of a reservation for all TB patients.
"For the planning, attention must be paid to different points of view of a practical, political and psychological nature. Considering it most soberly, the simplest way would be the following: Aided by the X-ray battalion we could reach the entire population, German and Polish, of the Gau during the first half of 1943. As to the Germans the treatment and isolation is to be prepared and carried out according to the regulations of Tuberculosis Relief. The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infections will be "specially treated." All other Polish consumptives will be subject to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work and to avoid their causing contagion.
"According to your request I made arrangements with the offices in question in order to start and carry out this radical procedure within half a year. You told me that tho competent office agreed with you as to this special treatment and promised support. Before we definitely start the program, I think it would be correct if you would make sure once more that the Fuehrer will really agree to such a solution.
"I could imagine, that the Fuehrer, having sometime ago stopped the program in tho insane asylums, might at this moment consider a "special treatment" of the incurably sick as unsuitable and irresponsible from a political point of view. As rewards the Euthanasia Program, it was a question of people of German nationality afflicted with hereditary diseases. Now it is a question of infected sick people of a subjugated nation.
"There can be no doubt of the intended program's being the most simple and most radical solution. If absolute secrecy could be guaranteed, all scruples, regardless of what nature, could be overcome. But I consider simply maintaining secrecy impossible. Experience has taught that this assumption is true. Should these sick persons, having been brought as planned to the old Reich supposedly to be treated or healed actually never return, the relatives of these sick persons, in spite of the greatest secrecy, would some day notice "that something was not quite right." One must take into consideration that there are many Polish workers in the old Reich who will inquire as to the where abouts of their relatives; that there are a certain number of Germans related to or allied by marriage with Poles who could in this way learn of the transports of the sick. Very soon more definite news of this program would leak out, which would be taken up by enemy propaganda. The Euthanasia Program taught in which manner this was done and which methods were used. This new program could be better used politically as it concerns persons of a subjugated nation. The church will not remain silent either. Nor will people stop at discussing this program. Certain interested circles will spread the rumor among the people that similar methods are also to be used in the future on German consumptives. Yes, that one can count on more or less all incurably ill being done away with in the future. In connection with this, I recall the recurring recent foreign broadcasts in connection with the appointment of Prof.
Brandt as Commissioner General, spreading the news that he was ordered to attend as little as possible to the healing of the seriously sick, instead all the more to the healing of the less sick. And there are more than enough people who listen to illegal broadcasts.
"Furthermore, it is to be taken into consideration that the planned proceeding will provide excellent propaganda material for our enemies, not only as regards the Italian physicians and scientists, but also as regards the entire Italian people in consequence of their strong Catholic ties. It is also beyond all doubt that the enemy will mobilize all the physicians of the world. And this will be all the more easy as the general, age-old conception of medical doings and activity is "to keep alive the poor and guiltless patient as long as possible and to allay his sufferings."
"Therefore, I think it necessary to explain all these points of view to the Fuehrer before undertaking the program as, in my opinion, he is the only one able to view the entire complex and to come to a decision.
"Should the Fuehrer decline the radical solution, preparations for another way must be made. An exclusive settlement of all Polish consumptives, both incurable and curable, would be one possibility of assuring an isolation of the infected. One could settle with them their immediate relatives, if they so desire, so that nursing and livelihood would be assured. As regards labor commitment, besides agriculture and forestry certain branches of industry could be developed in such territories. I cannot judge whether you can conceive such a possibility within your Gau.
" I also could imagine the creation of a common area for the settlement of the consumptives of not only your Gau, but also of the Gaus of Danzig/West Prussia, of the administrative district of Ziechenau and of the province of Upper Silesia. In order to avoid unnecessary overtopping of the public means of communication, the removal could be accomplished by walking. This would be a solution that the world propaganda could hardly use against us, and one, on the other hand, that would not arouse any of those stupid rumors in our own country.
" Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments. This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of the sick. With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be somewhat mitigated.
" The following Polish accommodation possibilities are at present available in your Gau:
Nursing Home Walrode .......... 400 beds Nursing Home "Grote Wiese"..... 300 beds smaller establishments ....... 200 beds Liebstadt barracks, district .. of Leslau as of 1 Jan 1943 ........... 1000 beds Total 1900 beds "Should the radical solution, for example, proposal No.1, be out of question the necessary conditions for proposals No.2 or 3 must be created.
"We must keep in mind that the conditions of the war deprive us of the possibility of arranging for a fairly adequate treatment of the curable consumptives. To do so would require procuring at least 10,000 more beds. This figure, under the condition that the program is to be carried out within half a year.
" After a proper examination of all these considerations and circumstance the creation of a reservation, such as the reservations for lepers, seems to be the most practicable solution. Such a reservation should be able to be created in the shortest time by means of the necessary settlement. Within the reservation one could easily set up conditions for the strict isolation of the strongly contagious.
" Even the case of the German consumptives represents an extremely difficult problem for the Gau. But this cannot be overcome, unless the problem of the Polish consumptives is solved at the same time. Heil Hitler? Yours? signed: Dr. Blome."
This letter doesn't require much comment by me. Quite obviously Defendant Blome has suggested three methods of taking care of the Polish situation. He has never voiced in his letter? and moral objection. If we can do it in a manner which will satisfy the Fuehrer and keep it quiet so that we won't have any protests from the churches and from some of the moral people in Germany, let's do it, is his opinion. Then he sets up another idea where they can allow the people to be set aside in nursing establishments and would lead to a comparatively rapid death of the sick.
That letter is followed by a letter of Heinrich Himmler to Greiser, which is Document NO-251 offered as Prosecution Exhibit 204. This letter is dated 3 December 1942, addressed to Greiser.
"Dear Party Comrade Greiser: I have received your letter of 21 November 1942. I? too? believe that it would be better to take into consideration the misgivings sot forth by Party-member Dr. Blome. In my opinion it is impossible to proceed with the sick persons in the manner intended, especially since, as you have informed me, it will be possible to exploit the practical results of the tests only in six month.
" I suggest you look for a suitable area to which the incurable consumptives can be sent. Beside the incurables, other patients with less severe cases of tuberculosis could quite well be put into this territory too. This action would also, of course, have to be exploited with the appropriate form of propaganda.
" Before writing you this letter I again thoroughly thought over whether the original idea could not in some way be carried out. However, I am convinced now that it is better to proceed the other way. Heil Hitler? Yours, H.Himmler."
Copies were sent to SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Koppe? Posen? the Reich Main Security Office? Berlin.
"copy with request for reference? by order? and the signature Br."
And here we see the Reichsfuehrer has agreed with Blome, number one that the radical solution may not be the best; that they set up this reservation. They can leave the Poles with few doctors and little medical care, and nor nurses and can propagandize it in a sufficient manner that they can accomplished their objective with that method.
Now we have the key and the answer to the entire situation. Your Honors, you have heard several witnesses testify here that in various concentration camps tubercular inmates, of whom some were tubercular Poles, were exterminated and gased. The missing link as to how they continued and whether or not they exterminated any of these incurable tubercular patients is given to us by the following affidavit of Rudolf Brandt, Document NO-441 which is Prosecution Exhibit 205.
"I, Rudolf Hermann Brandt, being duly sworn, depose and state:
"1. I am the same Rudolf Brandt, who already on 30 August 1946 swore an affidavit concerning certain low-pressure experiments which were also conduct with test subjects of the Dachau concentration camp, without their consent.
"2. I am entitled by the same reasons, as already enumerated in paragraph 1,2 and 3 of my affidavit of 30 August 1946 to state as follows:
"3.In the middle of 1942 the Reich Statthalter of the Warthegau, Herbert Greiser, suggested to Himmler to annihilate Poles infected with incurable tuberculosis." You will recall that this particular document has been read into evidence. "In submitting this suggestion Greiser gave as a reason that tho Germans in Poland would be exposed to this epidemic. Dr. Kurt Blome, Deputy Chief of the Central Bureau for Public Health of tho NSDAP, and radiologist Dr. Hohlfelder conferred with Greiser about this matter. Dr. Blome was from time to time with Himmler and supported Greiser's suggestion.
"4. The High chief of the SS and of the Police and Chief of the Warthegau Koppe, further Mueller of the Office IV of the Reich Main Security Office, RSHA, and the chief of the Reich Main Security Office Heydrich were involved in this operation. At the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943 Greiser carried out the annihilation of the Jews in the Warthegau, and the rounding up of the tuberculous Poles was finished at the same time as the rounding up of the Jews As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser numerous Poles were exterminated.
Many thousands of tuberculous Poles were taken to isolation camps where they had to take care of themselves."
Now here we have an affidavit which indicates, as a result, numerous Poles were exterminated and many thousands were placed in isolation camps and given absolutely no care at all, and they died like flies.
At this point we have finished the introduction or the presentation of the prosecution case in the extermination of the tubercular Poles.
DR. SAUTER: Mr. President, in the last document which the Prosecution has just read, which, I think, is 441, Prosecution Exhibit 205, the affidavit of Defendant Rudolf Brandt, in paragraph 4 the following sentence was read. I will repeat, in paragraph 4 -
THE PRESIDENT: I will ask counsel to repeat the first part of his statement. It came in very indistinctly.
DR. SAUTER: Mr. President, the Prosecution has just read the last document, Number 441, Exhibit 205, an affidavit by the Defendant Rudolf Emil Herman Brandt. In paragraph 4 of this affidavit the following sentence was read, as far as I can recall. "As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser between eight and ten thousand Poles were exterminated." End of quotation.
Now I hear that in the original of this affidavit there is supposed to be something, different, not the words "between eight and ten thousand Poles", but "numerous poles". Therefore, I ask that I be allowed to see the original of this affidavit of the defendant Brandt so that it can be determined what the correct text is.
MR. HARDY: Your Honors, the defense counsel is absolutely correct. When the defendant Brandt signed this affidavit he changed "from eight to ten thousand"; as he said he couldn't specifically state, he changed it to "numerous poles." as given in the English translation. Obviously, when the German text was cut on the stencil, they didn't cut out the words "eight to ten thousand" and insert "numerous Poles"; they cut it without the correction. It has been corrected and initiated by the defendant Brandt, and the defense counsel may see it.
DR. SAUTER: Mr. President, I have the original of this affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, and I note that in paragraph 4 it actually reads, and I quote, "numerous Poles were exterminated". At first it stated "between eight and ten thousand Poles", and that was apparently corrected by Brandt himself to read "numerous Poles". The German document book must be corrected on this point. Whether it has already been changed in the English book I do not know, but of course it is wrong in the German document book.
THE PRESIDENT: The English document book before the Tribunal reads "numerous Poles". I assume that counsel for the prosecution will see that the German document books are corrected to conform.
HR. HARDY: I will sir.
MR. SAUTER: We have only the German document book, of course, and we cannot ascertain what the English document book says.
THE PRESIDENT: We understand, counsel, perfectly.
DR. SAUTER: Then this question is settled. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: I understand from the prosecution that it is submitted by the prosecution that the English document book is the correct translation.
MR. HARDY: That is admitted, Your Honor, yes, sir.
MR McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, the prosecution would at this time like to turn to the presentation of proof on the sulfanilamide and bone experiments conducted, at Ravensbruck. I would like to ask if the Tribunal has before it the document book concerned with these matters. For some reason we seem to have had considerable difficulty in getting both the English and German document books delivered. They were both prepared last night. The German document books were delivered to room 286, which was the old defendants' information center, and they were then taken back and apparently forgotten and not delivered to room 394, which is now the defendants' information center.
THE PRESIDENT: For my part, I have not seen that back.
JUDGE SEBRING: Mr. McHaney, were these delivered to the Secretary General's office?
MR. McHANEY: I am not prepared to state right now, things seem to be in such a state of confusion; they were certainly supposed to have been. I received mine last night, and the arrangement was that they would be delivered the first thing this morning.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, is it your procedure to deliver it to the Secretary General's office, who, in turn, will then see that it is delivered in the appropriate places?
Mr. McHANEY: Yes.
I would suggest, if it meets with the convenience of the Tribunal, that we have a short adjournment and try to get it straightened out. I am sure that the defense counsel have not received the German document book either.
As a matter of fact, I only wanted to read at this time two documents in the document book. These are the affidavits of the defendants Fischer and Oberheuser. The only reason I would like to read these before presenting certain witnesses is in order that the Court may obtain some background of the broad picture before we all certain Polish witnesses who were in Ravensbruck.
THE PRESIDENT: Counsel for the prosecution may follow the procedure deemed advisable.
The Court will be in recess for fifteen minutes.
MR. McHANEY: Thank you.
(A recess was taken).
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is again in session.
MR. HcHANEY: May it please the Court, I understand you now have before you the English document books of Sulfanilamide experiments. This book includes the documents which will be presented on the Sulfanilamide and bone experiments at Ravensbrueck. These document books were delivered to the office of the Secretary General this morning, I am advised. The defense counsel have just received copies of the German document books. However, as I stated before the intermission -
DR. SEIDL: Dr. Seidl for the defendant Gebhardt, Fischer and Oberhauser, Mr. President, the Tribunal has issued a ruling to the effect that the defense is to be given the document books at least 24 hours before the documents are submitted in the Courtroom. The document book dealing with Sulfanilamide experiments we received only a quarter of an hour ago. In order not to held up the presentation of evidence by the prosecution I will dispense with legal objections regarding the delay in the submission of this document book. I agree to the submission of this document book at the present time. But, in view of the fact it is a very extensive book, -- it has 130 pages in the German text, and since I have not yet had time to look at the book I ask to be allowed to reserve the right to raise objections to the admissibility of individual documents later.
THE PRESIDENT: The request of counsel to reserve the right to object to these documents at some later time will be granted, providing the objections are urged at the earliest possible and convenient moment for counsel.
DR.NELTE: Dr. Nelte for Handloser. Mr. President, the statement which my colleague Dr. Seidl has just made was only for himself. On principle I believe that the defense counsel held the point of view that the ruling cf the Tribunal is that document books must be submitted 24 hours before and should be observed. This is especially true when the contents of the document book are of such special significance, as in this case. This document book consists from the first to the last document, of affidavits, the affidavits replacing the testimony of witnesses here in the Courtroom.
We defense counsel must therefore have an opportunity to learn the contents of these affidavits before and in order to ascertain whether in a certain case the witness must not be called to appear here personally. A brief examination of this document book has shown that various affidavits were later corrected. Thus from the defendant Fischer there are affidavits of the 19th November 1945 and the 1st of November 1946, and also of the 21st of October 1946, the document NO-472. Then there is another statement by Fischer the 7th of December 1946 NO-904. I believe Your Honors that in view of the great significance of this particular document book you will not be able to deviate from your basic rule of procedure without endangering the interests of the defense, and I therefore ask you perhaps by the examination of witnesses which the prosecution wishes to bring to bridge the period of time until tomorrow morning until we have had an opportunity to be prepared to comment on this document.
MR. McHANEY: May it please the Tribunal, it goes without saying that the Prosecution is extremely sorry that these Document Books were not delivered twenty four hours prior to the time we wish to read certain Documents from them. However, it had been out intention, and I thought I made it clear before the intermission, to read only two Affidavits from Fritz Fischer and the Affidavit from Herta Oberhauser before we call certain Polish witnesses to testify. There are four of these witnesses. I would also like to call Dr. Alexander to testify, as an expert, as to a physical examination he had made of these witnesses. I have very little doubt but that the testimony of these witnesses will take up most of the afternoon session, if not all, Therefore, we would only be presenting at this time three Documents, all of which are affidavits signed by one or the other of the defendants. I am quite sure this would not work any hardship on the defense Counsel, as it may be assumed that there clients have advised them what they have admitted to the Prosecution.
THE PRESIDENT: In view of the statement by the Prosecution, has the appellant's counsel who objected to proceeding immediately changed their mind?
MR. McHANEY: The three Documents the Tribunal has reference to are No. 228 - no. 447 and 487.
THE PRESIDENT: Does the defense Counsel understand the arguments made by the Court?
The Tribunal will now recess until two o'clock. That will allow counsel for the appellants an additional period of time to examine these few Documents to which the prosecution will be limited to using this afternoon.
(The Court recessed at 1230 Hours.)
AFTERNOON SESSION (The Hearing reconvened at 1400 hours, 19 December 1946.)
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.
MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, the Prosecution would like now to begin the presentation of evidence on the sulfanilamide experiments as charged in paragraph 6(E) of the indictment and the bone, muscle and nerve regeneration and bone transplantation experiments as charged in paragraph 6(f) of the indictment. Of course, these experiments are also set up as crimes against humanity in paragraph 11 of the Indictment under Count 3.
With respect to the salfanilamide experiments Defendants Karl Brandt, Handloser, Restock, Schroeder, Genzken, Gebhardt, Blome, Rudolf Brandt, Mrugowsky, Peppendick, Becker-Freyseng, Oberhauser and Fischer are charged with special responsibility for and participation in the sulfanilamide With respect to the so-called bone, muscle and nerve regeneration and bone transplantation experiments, the Defendants Karl Brandt, Handloser, Rostock, Gebhardt, Rudolf Brandt, Oberhouser and Fischer are charged with special responsibility for and participation in these experiments.
The first document which we would like to offer is NO-228, which is the first document in the English document books before the Tribunal, and this will be Prosecution Exhibit 206. This is an affidavit taken in the English language and signed by the Defendant Fritz Fischer. It reads as fellows:
"I, Fritz Ernst Fischer, being first duly sworn according to law, upon my oath do depose and say:
"I am a doctor of medicine, having been graduated from the University of Hamburg and passed by State Examination in 1936. On 13 November 1939 I was inducted into the Waffen SS and after having served with a combat division as medical officer, I was hospitalized and then assigned to the SS Hospital at Hohenlychen, as assistant Surgeon.
"In addition to my normal duties as surgeon at the SS Hospital at Hohenlychen on or about 12 July 1942, I was ordered by Professor Gebhardt to begin medical experiments in my capacity as assistant surgeon to professor Beghardt.
The purpose of the proposed experiments was to determine the effectiveness of sulfanilamide, which I was informed at that time was a matter cf considerable importance to military medical circles.
"Accordjng to the information which I received from Professor Gebhardt, these experiments were directed initially by the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Reichsartz, Dr. Grawitz.
"Professor Gebhardt instructed me, before the operations were undertaken, on the techniques to be followed and the methods of procedure to be employed. The persons who were to be the subjects of these experiments were inmates of the concentration camp at Ravensbruck who had been condemned to death.
"The administrative procedure which was followed in obtaining the subject for the experiments was estalblished by Professor Gebhardt with the camp commandant at Ravensbruck. After the initial arrangements had been made, it was the general practice to inform the medical officer at Ravensbruck as to the date on which a series of experiments was to be begun and the number of patients which would be required, and then he took the matter up with the commandant of the camp, by whom the selections of subjects were made. Before an operation was undertaken, the persons who had been selected in accordance with this procedure, received a medical examination by the camp physician to Determine their suitability for the experiments from a medical standpoint.
"The first of the series of experiments involved five persons. The gangrenous bacterial cultures for use in the experiments were obtained from the Hygienisches Institute for Waffen SS. The procedure followed in the operations was as follows: the subject received the conventional anaesthetic of morphine-atropine, then evipan other. An incission was made five to eight centimeters in length and one to one and a half centimeters in dept, on the the outside of the lower leg in the area of the peronaeus longus.
"The bacterial cultures were put in dextrose, and the resulting mixture was spread into the wound. The wound was then closed and the limb on cased in a cast which had been ********** which was lined on the inside with cotton, so that in the event of swelling, all the affected member, the result of the experiment would not be influence by a factor other than the infection itself "The bacterial cultures used on each of the five persons varied both as to the type of bacteria used and the amount of culture used.
"After the initial operations has performed, I returned to Ravensbruck each afternoon, to observe the progress of the persons who had boon operated on. No serious illnesses resulted from these initial operations. I reported the progress of the patient to Professor Gebhardt each night.
"When the five persons who were first operated on were cured, another series of five was begun. The surgical procedure and the post-operative procedure was the same as in the initial experiments, but the bacterial cultures were more virulent. The results from this series were substantially the same as in the first and no serious illnesses resulted.
"Since no inflammation resolved from the bacterial cultures used in the first two series of operations, it was determined, as a result of corrosponder with Dr. Mugrowsky, the Chief of the Hygiensches Institute der Waffen SS, and conversations with his assistant, to change type of bacterial culture in the subsequent operations. Using the new culture, two more series of operations were performed, each involving five persons.
"The difference between the third and fourth series was in the bacterial cultures used. The Hygienschus Institute der Waffen SS prepared them from separate combinations of the three or four gangrene cultures which were available. In the third and fourth series a more pronounced infection and inflammation was discerned at the place of incission. Its characteristics were similar to a normal, level infection with redness, swelling and pain. The circumference of the infection was comparable in size to a chestnut. Upon the completion of the fourth series the camp physician informed me that the camp commandant had instructed him that no longer would male patients be available for further experiments, but that it would be necessary to use female inmates.
"Accordingly, five women had been prepared for the operation, but I did not operate on them. I reported the change of situation to Professor Gebhardt and suggested that in view of these circumstances, it would be desirable to stop the experimental operations. He did not adopt this suggestion, however, and pointed out that it was necessary, as an officer, that I carry out my duty, which had been assigned to me.
"The experiments, however, were interrupted for a period of two weeks, during which Professor Gebhardt told me he had discussed the matter at Berlin and was instructed to carry on the experiments, using polish female prisoners who had been sentenced to death.
In addition, he instructed me to increase the tempo of experiments since the Reichsarzt; Dr. Grawitz, intended soon to go to Ravensbruck to test the results of the experiments. Accordingly, I went to Ravensbruck and operated on the female prisoners.
"Since the infections which resulted from the first four series of experiments were not typical of battlefield gangrenous infections, we communicated with Hygienisches Institute der Waffen-SS to determine what steps could be taken more nearly to simulate battle-caused infections. As a result of this correspondence and a conference at Hohenlychen presided over by Professor Gebhardt; it was decided to add tiny fragments of wood shwavings to the bacterial cultures; which would simulate the crust of dirt customarily found in battlefield wounds.
"As a result of this conference; three series of operations were performed, each involving ten persons, one using the bacterial culture and fragments of wood, the second using bacterial culture and fragments of glass, and the third using the culture plus glass and wood.
"About two weeks after these new series were begun, Dr. Grawitz visited Ravensbruck. Professor Gebhardt introduced him to me and explained to him the general nature of the work. Professor Gebhardt then left; and I explained to Dr. Grawitz the details of tho operations and their results. Dr. Grawitz, before I could complete my report on the procedures used and the results obtained; brusquely interrupted me and observed that the conditions under which the experiments were performed did not sufficiently resemble conditions prevailing at the front. He asked me literally; "How many deaths have there been?" and when I reported that there had not been any, he stated that that confirmed his assumption that the experiments had not been carried in accordance with his directions.
"He said that the operations were more fleabites and that since the purpose of the work was to determine the effectiveness of sulfanilamide on bullet wounds it would be necessary to inflict actual bullet wounds on the patients. He ordered that the next series of experiments to be undertaken should be in accordance with these directions.
That same evening, I discussed those orders of Dr. Grawitz with Professor Gebhardt and we both agreed that it was impossible to carry them out; but that a procedure would be adopted which would more nearly simulate battlefield conditions without actually shooting the patients.
"The normal result of all bullet wounds was a shattering of tissue; which did not exist in the initial experiments. As a result of the injury, the normal flow of blood through the muscle is cut off. The muscle is nourished by the flow of blood from either end. When this circulation is interrupted, the affected area, becomes a fertile field for the growth of bacteria; the normal reaction of the tissue against the bacteria is not possible without circulation "This interruption of circulation usual in battle casualties could be simulated by tying off the blood vessels at either end of the muscle.
"Two series of operations, each involving ten persons; were begun following this procedure. In the first cf these, the same bacterial cultures wore used as were developed in the third and fourth series; but the glass and wood wore omitted. In the other series, streptococci and staphlococci cultures were used. In the series using the gangrenous culture a severe infection in the area of the incision resulted within 24 hours.
"Eight patients out of ten became sick from the gangrenous infection. Cases which showed symptoms of an unspecific or specific inflammation were operated on in accordance with the doctrine and manner of septic surgery. The doctrine of Lexer formed the basis for the procedure. The technique is that an incision in the area of the gangrenous blisters swabbed; and a solution of hydrogen peroxide was poured over them. The inflamed extremity was immobilized in a cast. With most patients it was possible to improve the gangrenous condition of the entire infected area in this manner.
"In the series in which banal cultures of streptococci and staphlococci wore used; the severe resultant infection with accompanying increase in temperature and swelling did not occur until seventy-two hours later. Four patients showed a more serious picture of the disease. In the case of these patients; the normal professional technique of orthdox medicine was followed as outlined above; and the inflamed swelling split. Due to the slight virulence of the bacteria it was possible in the case of all patients except one to prevent the treatened deadly development of the disease.