Extracts from a biography of Goering on his work enforcing the party's rule, including the role of the SA in support of the security police

HERMANN GOERING, THE MAN AND HIS WORK.
By Erich Gritzbach, 1937.
[Page 12]
This is surely Goering's most happiest hour, wrote Dr. Goebbels in his book "Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei" and quoting from it said: that Goering prepared diplomatically and politically in a long lasting and hard struggle the basis for Hitler's rise. His prudence, his strong nerves, but particularly his strength of character and his faithfulness to the Fuehrer, were really true, strong and admirable. .
[ Page 31]
The reorganization of the leading positions in the ministry was quickly concluded. Goering appointed to them, men who had his confidence. Specialists, who were well known for the excellent work they had done and were not connected with any of the system parties, were retained, so as to keep the center of the inner administration efficient and competent.
Ruthless measures are taken though, against anybody, who as a camouflaged enemy tries to retain his position. The officials connected with the old party system are being fired in large numbers. The weeding out process of the inner administration, as the first prerequisite for reconstruction, comprised everybody from departmental heads to the last commissioner. The new Minister of the Interior appoints Dr. Grauert, formerly head of the most important department, the police department, and a man whom he knew for a long time and thought highly of as a strong worker, as Public Prosecutor. On the day of the formation of the Prussian Cabinet, the prime minister appointed
Dr. Grauert Secretary of State in the Ministry of the Interior.
* *
The present reorganization of the security police is hardly noticed by the public. Their ranks are strengthened by the SA, the most reliable instrument ^ of the movement. The Auxiliary Police has given effective aid by their fighting spirit in the struggle against the Communists and other enemies of the State,
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not only to Goering, but has, driven by their national socialist desire for a new spirit within the executive Police, assisted in their rigid organization.
[Page 48]
Since the assumption of power and May 1934, when Goering handed over the Ministry of the Interior, 8,000 men were taken into the security police force. They were all members of the party formations or had come from the voluntary labor force, pursuant to the orders of Goering's constituting, that the entire replacement of the police force had to consist up to a 100% of members of the organization of the movement.
[Pages 194-195] ,
The movement was conducted by the Fuehrer from Munich. But one man has to act for him in Berlin—whilst Gauleiter Goebbels stirs up the masses and makes them ripe for National Socialism, a man, on whom he could rely unconditionally to the same extent as if he acted himself. And thus Hermann Goering became the political deputy of Adolf Hitler.
It is not necessary that the Fuehrer issues new directives to his deputy in each separate case. Of course, Goering will not act on his own without fundamental instructions from Adolf Hitler. During the years of the common struggle, so much of Adolf Hitler had been absorbed by him, that it seems, he had become part of this man. He does the right thing instinctively. Though time is sometimes short, a decision has to be made. In a case like this, Goering acts as a soldier has to act—"Sooner make a blunder, than cowardly hesitate and waste valuable time."
[Page 197]
In an interview with the Chief editor of the "Westdeutscher Beobachter", Goering declared: "It is correct, that we once considered to cooperate with some figures off the present cabinet. The politics carried out by the Chancellor during the last months make any cooperation with the National Socialists impossible. There is only one way out of this "tribute slavery". The rearmament of our people. The question of tribute is in its nature solely a problem of power politics. Therefore, it can only be solaced by power politics.
[Page 201]
Goering succeeded already in the fall of 1931 to see the Reichspresident in order to accomplish ,a clarification. He saw quite clearly that the decision rested solely with Generalfeldmarshal von Hindenburg and that it was therefore necessary to win this
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great personage, that already during his lifetime had gone down in German history for the German liberation movement. Hinden-burg is the rock in the chaotic sea of the republic. But the access to the Reichspresident is blocked for the young fighters of the liberation movement. Goering's most difficult and at the same time most important job is to break down the barrier round the president. The Fieldmarshall must convince himself eye to eye with Fuehrer of the mission of this unknown World War cor' poral. Now it had happened. What had been thought impossible by most succeeded in spite of a veritable net of intrigues. On October 10, 1931, the Fuehrer and Goering are received by the Reichspresident. A short official notice WTB 10.10.1931. "Hitler with Hindenburg." Today the Reichspresident received Mr. Adolf Hitler and the Reichstags Deputy Captain (retired} Goering and accepted a detailed report on the aims of the National Socialist movement. This was followed by an elocution on internal and foreign political affairs.
[Page 213]
There is a vote of non-confidence on the program for the day. It was well known that the Reichschancellor already had a mandate from the Reichspresident to dissolve the Reichstag. He thought himself safe and protected with these powers of dissolution in his pocket. Too sure, because the chairman of the Reichstag Goering acted with lightning speed, and before the chancellor has a chance to speak, voting on the non-confidence motion is already in progress. A crushing result. With 513 votes against the 32 cast by the German National, the Papen government fell through a vote of non-confidence.