[Items 1 through 3 are notes made by Lahousen for the diary of
,T, ,, Admiral Canaris.]
[Item 1]
10. August 39—Flight Salzburg.
(General Keitel, Vice Admiral Canaris, Colonel Schmund, Captain Hansen, Lt. Col. Lah.)
Breakfast at Ribbentrop's in Fuschl—Hints about non-aggression pact with Russia, blockade of Gibraltar by Italian submannes.
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Col. Schmundt Lt. Col. Lahousen Captain Paltzo Captain Engel
12 Sept. 39—Conference in the Fuehrer's train—Ilnau.
18 Nov. 39—Presentation of Fleck and Hocke to the Fuehrer in the Reichschancellery.
20 Nov. 39—Reichschancellery 1500 to 1900 hours conference with the Fuehrer on undertaking of special mission 100, and its time.
Top Secret—for senior office only 32/39—present were:
The Fuehrer Brigadier General Student
General Field Marshal Goering Lt. Col. Siebert General Keitel General von Brauchitsch General von Reichenau General of the Artillery Haider Vice Admiral Canaris Major General Reinhardt Brigadier General Jeschenneck Brigadier General Bodenschatz
17 January—The affair Doehring blew up (at the same time Do's birthday [ ?] Geb. Tg.)
26 January—9 o'clock project "Oder" (Strojil)—Pempli.
29 March—Affair Laporte—(Quisling)—Keitel Report.
1 April—by Army Group "A" in Coblenz.—General Rundstedt's remark—Westwall-Austrians.
2 April—Message—Undertaking "Iceberg" imminent.
8 April—Iron Cross II—awarded by Keitel. "Tomorrow is the day when the monkey jumps into the water".
9 April—Orlog Denmark—Norway—undertaking "Sansouci".
9 May—in Mayen (Army High Command 12) report of imminent Orlog in the West-G-2 Schmidt—Richberg, Major very surprised.
10 May at 5:35—Starting Orlog-Holland-Belgium-Luxemburg.
23 December—report on "Toulon" by Keitel—Remarks concerning Weygand.
1942
9 July—Talk C by Keitel—Keitel's remark concerning Giraud.
16 July—Fuehrer's Headquarters—Keitel: Munoz Grande incited against Palme [auf Palme Gehetzt] by the Fuehrer Franco, Suner, Mismanagement—
Hanger Monarchy—(Munoz Grande) M.G. offers to create order. Fuehrer (FW turns back [Zuruckgedreht] M.G. would get tip.
28 July—Fuehrer's Headquarters and Operational Staff: General Heusinger, H. Himmler, SS.
3 August—Telephone call from C in connection with "Gustav".
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4 August—C. conference with 3 dept. Chief about "Gustav". We strictly decline. Whereupon C with Keitel too.
25 Sept.—Telephone call from Keitel in my home about "Gustav". Demands to know whether C has taken any action on account of "Gustav".
Mueller not in Berlin.
[Item 2]
File notes
on the conference in the Fuehrer's train in Jlnau on 12.9.1939 (The Fuehrer's expressions are written down verbatim based on notes written from memory by the Chief of intelligence (Abw. II) who was also present.)
I. The Ukraine problem:
Immediately after greetings were exchanged Reich Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop disclosed to me his views on the possibility of terminating the German-Polish war by means of politics. During the ensuing discussion in the office-coach of General Keitel, these possible solutions were summarized and explained by the Chief O.K.W. as follows:
Case 1. A fourth partition of Poland will take place whereby Germany expresses her lack of interest "in favor of the Soviet Union in regard to the land east of the line Narew-Vistula-San."
Case 2. For the remaining part an independent Poland will be formed, a solution most pleasing to the Fuehrer, because he could then deal with a Polish Government in establishing peace in the East.)
Case 3.-The remainder of Poland disintegrates.
a) Lithuania is offered the territory of Wilna.
b) The Galician and Polish Ukraine will be independent.
' (Provided that this foreign political arrangement is agreeable to the Soviet Union.)
, For the case #3B I would have to make such preparations with the Ukrainians that when this case materializes, a revolt can be incited through the organization Meluyk [O.U.N.] which would aim at the destruction of the Poles and Jews. A political expansion of this movement in the direction of the Soviet Ukraine (Idea of a greater Ukraine) must absolutely be prevented.
[Pencil notation:] The suppositions hereto seem no longer justified.
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II. Propaganda: *
I then discussed the settling of propaganda matters with General Keitel. Following a complete agreement which was reached in connection with this question between the Reich Foreign Minister and Dr. Goebbels, representatives of the Foreign Office [A. A.] are being sent to the Propaganda Companies in order to examine all propaganda material as well as express their desires. (Liaison man to the Foreign Office [A. A.])
However the responsibility for conducting the propaganda remains exclusively with the Chief of the Propaganda companies.
III. Military executions:
I pointed out to General Keitel that I knew that extensive executions were planned in Poland and that particularly the nobility and the clergy were to be exterminated.
[Page 2]
Eventually the world would hold the Wehrmacht responsible for these deeds, under whose eyes such thing had happened.
General Keitel answered that the Fuehrer had already decided on this matter. He had made it clear to the Commander-in-Chief of the Army that if the Wehrmacht did not want any part in these occurrences, it would have to accept the SS and Gestapo as revivals. For each military district, therefore, besides the military commander, a civilian commander will also be appointed. The latter would then be in charge of the "extermination of folkdom." [volkstümliche Ausrottung]. [Pencil notation] Political cleaning of the corridor.
IV. Bombing of War-saw:
Following my reference to the unfavorable foreign political consequences of this measure General Keitel replied that such matters were definitely decided on by the Fuehrer and General Field Marshal Goering. The Fuehrer had frequent telephone conversations with Goering. Sometimes he (Keitel) is being informed of the subject discussed, but not always.
V. Explanations of the Fuehrer:
During this conference the Fuehrer appeared and asked me immediately what news I had from the West. I replied that according to the informations and reports at hand, we must conclude that—especially in the vicinity of Saarbruecken—the French are assembling troops and artillery in order to prepare a systematic and methodic large-scale attack. Furthermore, I have made arrangements so that we would be informed sooner in regard to the vicinity and the direction of this attack.
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The Fuehrer then remarked: "1 cannot imagine that the French should attack exactly in the vicinity of Saarbruecken where our position is the strongest. There we have our "A" establishments and besides these they (the French) will be faced there with a second and third position which are fortified—if possible, even more. I consider the Bienwald and the Pfaelzer-wald as our weakest point in spite of the objection made by others that an attack against a wooded zone is hopeless. I am of a different opinion in this respect.
An "adventure" across the Rhine is still possible—although there we are already prepared—I do not consider it very likely that an attack by way of Belgium and Holland, a violation of neutrality, will be attempted. However, time is required for a large-scale attack against the Western Wall.
General Keitel and General Jodi agree with these, the Fuehrer's thoughts, and the letter adds that the artillery preparations for a large-scale attack require at least three to four weeks; thus the attack itself would take place in October.
Whereupon the Fuehrer continued: "Yes and in October it is already quite cold and our men will sit in protected pill-boxes, while the French must lie in the open and attack. However, even if the Frenchmen should reach one of the weaker points of the Western Wall, we will have succeeded in the meantime in bringing from the East which will give him (the Frenchmen) such a "trimming" [Abreibung] that he will not be able to hear or see any longer. .
Hence the only remaining road in through Belgium and Holland; I do not believe it, but it is not impossible; therefore we will have to be watchful."
Then the Fuehrer immediately turned back to me and demanded the strictest observation of all occurrences in these neutral countries.
The Ukrainian problem. The Radio announcement to the Ukrainian people as proposed by the "Wehrmacht propaganda" was changed in accordance with point 3 and approved by the Reich Foreign Minister as follows: "The German Armed Forces do not have any hostile intentions against the Ukrainian population in Poland."
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[Item 3J
Participants in trip
Lt. Col. Lahousen Piekenbrock
Captain Jary, retired
19 September 1939, 12:15 Departure Berlin 19:15 Arrival Gleiwitz
Stayed overnight at Hotel "Hausoberschlesien." 20 September 5:00 Departure Gleiwitz, via Katowice, Cracow, Tarnow, to the headquarters of Army High Command 14 in Rzeszow. 12:1514:00 Conference in Rzeszow with G2 (IC) and Major Dehmel. G2 (Major Schmidt-Richtberg) explains situation as well as military action, in Lwow. G2 further reports about unrest in that army area arising from the partly illegal measures taken by Special Purpose Group [Einsatz Gruppe] of Brigadier General Woyrsch. (Mass shootings especially of Jews.) It was especially annoying to the troops that young men instead of fighting at the front, were testing their courage on defenseless people.
Major Dehmel reports on measure taken by him in the area of the Ukrainian settlement area. (Advance territory of the 18th Army Command).
14 :00 continuation of trips to Przemysl. Stayed overnight in the archbishop's palace of the Greek Catholic (Ukrainian) Bishop Josef Korzelowski. Excellent impression of the personality of this church dignitary. I discussed with him and his chancellor, a married Greek Catholic priest, the Ukrainian question and our cooperation with the Ukrainians. Great apprehension in the bishop's palace that Przemysl would be turned over to the Russians.
21 September 7:00 Departure from Przemysl. First Captain Jary.appears and reports that according to a message of which he learned at the 18th army command a new line of demarcation had been established, whereby Przemysl fell to the Russians. Instructions to defense officer present in Przemysl, to assist the Greek Catholic bishop in any emergency.
9:30 Arrival in Rzeszow. Orientation on the new line of demarcation, which actually corresponds to Jary's information (Narev-Vistula-San Line.)
10:15 Return to Cracow; spent the night in the "Grand Hotel" there First a visit to the military commander, then a joint supper with the defense officers present in Cracow.
22 September 7:00 Departure from Cracow for Berlin, via Katowice and Gleiwitz. In Katowice discussion with General von Knobelsdorf. Settlement of some uncertainties and friction
3047-PS
that had occurred between Captain Dingier and the bureau of General Knobelsdorf. -
17:30 Arrival in Berlin; went to Armed forces High Command.
[Item 4]
[Report received by General Lahousen in his official capacity as a German intelligence officer.]
Copy
24 October 1941
Report on the execution of Jews in Borrisow.
From Friday 17 October to Monday 20 October I had official business in Borrisow. Upon arrival there on Friday I was informed by the head of the Russian security police there, Ehof, who had been installed in this post some time ago by the SD, that on the night from Sunday to Monday all Jews of Borrisow were to be shot. To my astounded question, that it would be impossible to dispatch 8000 persons into Eternity in the course of a single night in a fairly orderly manner, he replied that it was not the first time that he did this and he would be able to finish the job with his men; he was no longer a layman at this. On this occasion I also learned, that about 1500 Jews were to be spared temporarily, since they were specialists, such as cobblers, tailors, blacksmiths, locksmiths, in other words artisans who were urgently needed for building up the country. The said Ehof at this time presented me with an invitation, signed by him, to the "Celebration of the German Police" which was to take place in a Borrisow restaurant on Sunday 19 October at two o'clock.
I had known Ehof in my Borrisow days. He was at one time made Komm. [Communist?] mayor of Zembin, a town about 25 kilometers from Borrisow, by some army high command. Before the outbreak of the war he was, as a Volga German, employed as a teacher for the German language in the Russian School in Zembin.
Although the shootings of Jews were to be kept secret, they were already known in the Ghetto early on Saturday. I gave my own boots for repair to a Jewish cobbler who lived on the street leading to the airport. There I learned that a delegation was on its way to the mayor, Dr. Stankewitsch, and the Chief of the Russian Security Police, Ehof, in order to obtain a temporary reprieve of these executions so that they might present a petition to the general. However, the cobbler could not tell me which general was meant.
He only told me that the Jews consider it altogether impossible that Adolf Hitler or the general could have given the order to
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shoot these 6500 Jews. I learned further that the mayor, Dr. Stankewitsch, had promised them to speak to the general about it and that he added that he himself could only say that the conduct of the Jews residing in his official district had been exemplary in every respect. By "conduct" he meant the order in the Ghetto, the performing of the work imposed on the Jews, the raising of
300,000 Rubles in taxes imposed on them a few weeks ago, the turning in of gold, silver, etc., which they fulfilled completely.
On Saturday I visited the already mentioned "Celebration of the German Police", not so much in order to drink beer or liquor there, but because I know beforehand to what an unworthy extent this celebration would develop, in other words, to look the affair over.
Of the so-called prominent citizens there were present: a commissioner of the SD—a squire [Ordensjunker] Burg Vogelsang —with his wife, a lieutenant of the GFP, the mayor, Dr. Stankewitsch, the Chief of the Russian Security Police, Ehof.
In addition there were present the assistant chief of the Russian Security Police, Kowalewski, a large number of Security Policemen and their wives, fiancees, or girl friends, a number of German non-coms, and men, and a lot of people.
There was a lot of talk and still more drinking. I started a conversation with the above mentioned Russian—Kowalewski— an old policeman of the time of the Czars. He is a very sympathetic, quiet, and discreet man of 62, and he informed me among other things that this celebration was to be ended by 9 o'clock because a "welikoje deld", a big affair, was scheduled for tomorrow. K asked me to go home with him after the celebration because he had the urge to speak his mind. After reprimanding a few members of our Wehrmacht for disorderly conduct and because no one could expect me to witness these disgusting excesses any longer, I left this place at about 5 o'clock in the afternoon and returned about 8 o'clock in order to pick up K and to accompany him to his home.. I spent two hours with K in lively conversation, we exchanged reminiscences of Czarist days, of the time of the White Russian battles against Bolshevism, and then we also talked of present conditions. The point of view of K, who is a great admirer of everything German, especially of Adolf Hitler and the German Wehrmacht, coincided wholly with mine; a man who really has his heart in it.
After leaving K, I returned to my quarters and talked to my Russian landlord until bedtime. Here I learned among other things that a few days previously "Buessing Hall" had burned down and the next night "Opel Hall", and in addition another
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hall in which the kitchen, etc., of a German Wehrmacht unit was stationed. Of course we also talked of the impending shooting of Jews, for this was also known to the civilian population. My hosts said verbatim, and this was probably the attitude of all non-Jews living in Borrisow on that evening: "Pustj oni pogi-bajut: oni mnogo plochogo nam nadelali!" In German: "Let them perish; they did us a lot of harm!"
This is what happened on the following morning: The shootings were begun at 3 am. First the men were brought out. They were driven to the place of execution in Russian cars, escorted by men of the Russian Security police of Borrisow who were detailed for this purpose. Because there were not enough of these men, however, reinforcements were brought from the neighboring Russian Security Police offices, such as Zembin, etc. They were provided with the well-known red-and white armband and armed with rifles or automatic pistols. On the Polotzkaja Uliza road leading to the airport I saw these cars, at considerable intervals, loaded with women and children. These cars were, guarded by men of .the Russian Security Police. On the roof sat among others a Russian policeman with an automatic pistol in readiness. The women and children of all ages in these cars cried and whimpered and screamed for help as soon as they saw a German Wehrmacht member. In this manner one car followed the other during the whole day in the direction of the place of execution, which was located in the woods near the former staff headquarters of the army group "Center". Besides, since there were apparently not sufficient cars and the time was drawing short, groups of women and children were constantly being herded down the already mentioned road, partly with iron rods. On the periphery of the Ghetto, that is on this same street, groups of Jewish women and children, even babies in their mother's arms, were standing ready to be picked up. In the distance the noise of rifles could be heard all day, the women and children cried and screamed, cars raced through the streets and the Ghetto and kept bringing new victims—all before the eyes of the civilian population and the German military personnel that happened to come along.
A blockade may have been intended but could not be carried out because the other side of the street as well as the side streets were inhabited by non-Jews. The eyes of the latter expressed either complete apathy or horror, because the scenes which took place in the streets were ghastly! The non-Jews may have believed on the evening preceding the executions that the Jews deserved their fate, but on the following morning their sentiment
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was: "Who ordered such a thing? How is it possible to kill off 6500 Jews all at once? Now it is the Jews' turn, when will it be ours? What did these poor Jews do? All they did was work! The really guilty ones are surely in safely!" The executions continued all day Monday! Late in the evening the shooting could not only be heard from the woods but also spread to the Ghetto and nearly all the streets of the city since, in order to escape their fate, many Jews had broken out of the Ghetto and tried somehow to save themselves. On that evening and during that night it was not advisable even for a member of the Wehrmacht to venture on the streets, in order to avoid the danger of being killed or at least wounded by the Russian policemen, due to a generally prevalent nervousness. About 10 o'clock in the evening a fire was raging in the city and mild shooting was going on. A few houses were burning in the Ghetto and in the vicinity of the Ghetto—the cause is not known to me.
It must be added that German soldiers were summoned toward evening to blockade the Ghetto and to prevent the Jew's escaping. As I learned from a noncommissioned officer, a few Jews were said to have been caught and turned over to the Russian Security Police for execution. The shooting continued throughout the night. On Tuesday, about 8 o'clock in the morning, I was again a witness of the same occurrences as on the previous day. By no means all the Jews had been shot. Many escorted Russian cars returned from the woods. Piled high on these cars was the clothing of the victims. Thus everybody could see what was going on. The clothing was brought to city warehouses. At many places in the Ghetto and along the street already described groups of Jews cowered, awaiting their executing. -As I heard, some Jews are said to have committed suicide in the nearby Beresina. The most gruesome scenes are said to have taken place in the Ghetto during this operation. According to report all specialists were shot, at least the majority of them. That may be so, for, escorted by two Russian policemen, I entered the homes of a tailor and a cobbler on the main street; the barbed wire had been torn down and I found the house abandoned. It is hard to describe the appearance of these homes! In order to obtain details of the executions, I struck up a conversation with these two Russian Security men, and I was told the following:
A few days earlier Russian prisoners of war had dug in the woods some huge mass graves about 100 meters long, 5 meters wide, and 3 meters deep. According to the reports of these eyewitnesses, the executions were performed as follows:
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The first delinquents, about 20 men, were made to jump into the pits after taking off all but their underwear. They were then shot from above! Of course these dead and half-dead people were lying pell-mell. The next victims had to line them up so as to gain as much space as possible. Then it continued as above. When the bottom row of the mass grave was full, the Jews had to put a layer of sand over the bodies and had to trample upon both sand and bodies. The most horrible scenes are said to have taken place in these two mass graves! Shortly before my departure for the front I met two German soldiers, a private first class and a corporal, who, for curiosity's sake, had witnessed these executions from very close by. They fully confirmed the information sought by me. They added that the Russian policemen were given a great deal of liquor, otherwise they would hardly have been able to perform their difficult task! The population of Bor-risow is of the opinion that the Russian Security men would enrich themselves with the valuables left behind by the Jews, such as gold, silver, furs, cloth, leather, etc., as they were said to have done during previous executions. These security men, moreover, are said to consist largely of old Communists, but nobody dares to report them because they are feared. The population generally desires the occupation of all important posts by German nationals!
Signed: Soennecken Master sergeant and interpreter for the Russian language with Intelligence Command B
Postscript: There is a rumor in Borrisow that the now vacant houses of the Jews shall be prepared for Jews from Germany, who in turn shall be liquidated in the same manner as were, the Jews of Borrisow.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 3047-PS
Date: Date Unknown
Total Pages: 13
Language of Text: English
Source of Text: Nazi conspiracy and aggression (Office of United States Chief of Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality. Washington, D.C. : U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946.)
Evidence Code: PS-3047
HLSL Item No.: Unknown