Cover note and transcripts of telephone conversations between Goering and Seyss-Inquart, Ribbentrop, and others, on the collapse of the Austrian government, the mobilization of the Austrian Nazis, the new Nazi regime, the military occupation, German-English relations, and between Hitler and Philipp von Hessen on Mussolini

TOP SECRET
Reichs Ministry
for Aviation 14 March 1938
Institute for Research B Nr. F.A.V. 1106/38g R To the General Fieldmarshal
Fieldmarshal:
Enclosed I submit, as ordered, the copies of your telephone conversations.
/ a/ HIHN
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| Part A]
Notes Concerning the Telephone Conversations between the Field-marshall (F) and the Minister Seyss-Inquart (S).
14:45 Phone call from F.
' F: How do you do, doctor? My brother-in-law, is he with you? S: No.
Thereupon the conversation took approximately the following turn:
F: How are things with you ? Have you resigned, or do you have any news?
S: The Chancellor has cancelled the elections for Sunday, and therefore he has put S and the other gentlemen in a difficult situation. Besides having called off the elections, extensive precautionary measures are being ordered, among others curfew at 8 PM.
F: Replied that in his opinion the measures taken by Chancellor Schuschnigg were not satisfactory in any respect. At this moment he could not commit himself officially. F will take a clear stand very shortly. In calling off the election, he could see a postponement only, not a change of the present situation which had been brought about by the behavior of the Chancellor Schuschnigg in breaking the Berchtesgadener agreement.
Thereupon a conversation took place between F and the Fuehrer. 1
Afterwards F phoned again S. This conversation was held at
15:05.
F: Told S that Berlin did not agree whatsoever with the decision, made by Chancellor Schuschnigg since he did not enjoy any more the confidence of our government because he had broken the Berchtesgadener agreement, and therefore further confidence in his future actions did not exist. Consequently, the National Minister, S and the others, are being requested to immediately hand in their resignations to the Chancellor, and also to ask the Chancellor to resign. F added that if after a period of one hour no report had come through the assumption would be made that S would no more be in the position to phone. That would mean that the gentlemen had handed in their resignations. S was then told to send the telegram to the Fuehrer as agreed upon. As a matter of course, an immediate commission by the Federal President for S to form a new cabinet would follow Schuschnigg's resignation.
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F:
Telephone message by S at 15:55.
S informed the Fieldmarshal that the Chancellor Schuschnigg was on his way to Federal President Miklas in order to hand in his resignation, as well as that of the whole cabinet.
Asked by F if, with this, the commission to form a new cabinet intended for S was secure.
S said that he would let F know not later than 17:30.
Replied emphatically that this, besides the resignation of the
Chancellor Schuschnigg was an absolutely firm demand.
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Goering:
Goering:
[Part C] ,
Telephone Conversation Between Field Marshal Goering, Reich-chancellery, with the German Embassy, Vienna, 1700 hours,
March 11, 1938.
Dombrowski: I have to report the following. Seyss-Inquart has talked to the Austrian Chancellor until 1630 hours but he is not in a position to dissolve the Cabinet by 1730 hours because it is technically impossible. By 1930 hours, the Cabinet must be formed and several measures must have been taken. Is Seyss-Inquart there?
Dombrowski: He is not here just now. He is in conference.
That is why he sent me here to telephone you. What is the message? Repeat exactly.
Dombrowski: His message is that he is not in a position ....
(Goering interrupts, What does he have to say?) He says that he has no hesitation to allow the party formations to come in now.
All that is not to the point. I want to know what is going on? Did he tell you that he is now the Chancellor?
Yes. .
As just transmitted to you?
Yes
Good, go on. What time can he form the Cabinet?
Dombrowski: Possibly by 9:18. .
Goering: The Cabinet must be formed by 7:30.
Dombrowski: By 7:30.
Goering: For that purpose Keppler is now going to arrive.
Dombrowski: To continue, the SA and SS have already been organized as auxiliary police.
Goering: (Goering repeats the last sentence.) The demand
of legalizing the Party must also be made.
Dombrowski: All right.
Goering:
Dombrowski Goering: Dombrowski Goering:
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All right, with all of its formations, SA, SS, HJ. Yes, Field Marshal, only one thing, that the formations which are now outside the country will not come at this time.
They will only come during the next few days. Yes. He thinks after the plebiscite has been accomplished.
No, no, what plebiscite.
Yes. He believes that the program then established will be carried out by Hitler.
One moment. As to the plebiscite, there are certain special things, aren't there. Anyway, this plebiscite tomorrow is to be cancelled. '
That's already been taken care of. That's now out of the question.
Good, the cabinet must be entirely National Socialist.
Good, that also has been settled, by 7:30 that must be ... .
(Interrupting) That must be reported by 7:30, and Keppler will bring you several names to be incorporated.
Very well. One thing Seyss-Inquart requests regarding the organizations now in emigration are to come in later and not now.
All right, we can. talk about that .... That will take a few days anyway. .
That is his request.
Good.
That is all right then.
Yes, they will not come immediately. About that we will have a special talk. .
Very well, General Field Marshal.
Now to go on. The Party has definitely been legalized ?
But that is .... it isn't necessary to even discuss that.
With all of its organizations.
With all of its organizations within this country. In uniform?
In uniform. Good.
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Dombrowski: Calls attention to the fact that the SA and SS have
Goering: already been on duty for one-half hour which means everything is all right. , Regarding the plebiscite, the Special Envoy will be coming down and will confer with you about the kind of plebiscite that is to be.
Dombrowski : Goering: Well then, we have time in that matter. Yes, there is time. Seyss-Inquart is of the opinion that the relationship Germany-Austria must be put on a new basis.
Dombrowski : What did he mean by that? Well he means that the independence of Austria should be maintained but that everything else should be ruled on a National Socialist basis. ;
Goering: That will be a natural result. Tell him the units must come down in the next few days. That's in the interest of Seyss-Inquart, namely that he receives first-class units which are absolutely at his disposal.
Dombrowski: Goering: Dombrowski: About that he will talk with you himself. All right, he can do that. So that he knows who is coming down but we have a few days for that.
Goering: Yes, and by 7:30 the report about the formed cabinet.
Dombrowski: Goering: He'll have that by then. And by 7 :30 he also must talk with the Fuehrer and as to the cabinet, Keppler will bring you the names. One thing I have 'forgotten, Fishbock must have the Department of Economy and Commerce.
Dombrowski: Goering: That's understood. Kaltenbrunner is to have the Department of Security and Bahr is to have the armed forces. The Austrian Army is to be taken by Seyss-Inquart himself and you know all about the Justice Department.
Dombrowski: Goering: Dombrowski: Goering: Yes, yes. Give me the name. Well, your brother-in-law. Isn't that right? Yes?
Dombrowski: Yes.
Goering: That's right and then also Fishbock.
Dombrowski: Yes, that is taken care of.
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Goering: ; Be careful, the daily press must leave immediately and our people.
Dombrowski: Well, as to the man whom you mentioned with
Goering: regard to the Security Department. Kaltenbrunner. Yes, he is to get the Security Department and then mark this, immediately the press representatives. (They both talk at the same time, Dombrowski says several times, "Yes".) All right, at 1730 hours, no at 7:30— goodby.
M. (Much?) : : (Much comes to the telephone and calls Goering's attention to the fact that Keppler will not arrive until 5:40. Goering tells Much that he has just given the names to Dombrowski over the telephone.)
M: Requests to be allowed to support the suggestion that the Party formations now abroad would not be let loose until this was called for from "here".
Goering: Yes, no, the Fuehrer wants to . . . that he will tell
M: Goering: to Seyss-Inquart, in person . . . those are the most disciplined and best units, they will come immediately under the command of Seyss-Inquart so that he has the best possible support. Yes, but as to the foreign political situation . . . . (Interrupting) That will be handled. The foreign political aspect will be handled exclusively by Germany in this direction. Furthermore, Seyss-Inquart and the Fuehrer will talk about this matter, that will take quite some time anyway, until they can be dispatched. Anyway they won't come today or tomorrow or the day after tomorrow.
[Part D]
Transcript of Telephone Conversation between Goering and
Dr. Ullrich
Vienna. Berlin-Vienna 17:20-17:25 on 11 March 1938 U: I was just looking for the gentleman, in order to tell him myself the same thing.
G: Look, Franz, you take over the Ministry of Justice, and corresponding to the wish of the Fuehrer, you also take over for the time being the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, later on someone else will replace you in this.
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U: Please, there is something else. Fisehbock intends, before accepting his appointment, to the Fuehrer—
G: He should not do that at this moment, it won't be necessary at all.
U: Then he will phone you, I also am against it.
G: Yes, let him call me. There is no time for it. Also he cannot afford to get for himself special favors, and be responsible now before he has to act history. With the Federal Chancellory, he should still reserve for himself the department of trade, Kaltenbrunner, Security, you the department of Justice,' and for the time being, the Foreign Office.
U: Does he know about it already ?
G: The latter he does not yet know, I shall tell him that myself. He has to form the cabinet immediately, he shall not fly over here, because the cabinet has to be formed till 7:30, otherwise it's all for nothing. Otherwise, things will take their own course, and very different decisions will be made then.
U: That is understood, I shall take care of it immediately.
G: And then another important factor which I forgot to mention before, but that is rather a matter of course. The Reds, who were given arms yesterday, have to be disarmed in the quickest way and just as well in a ruthless manner, that is rather a matter of course. Also make sure that he gives me a ring immediately, he shall not fly, there is no sense in doing so. Just a moment. He should call me under the following number, 125224. (Here the conversation is interrupted) The conversation was interrupted twice, in the beginning, and at the end. It seemed that Vienna was to blame for the interruption.
[Part Ej
Transcript of Telephone conversation between Goering and Seyss-Inquart 11 March 1938 Wien-Berlin, 17:26-17:31.
S: The situation is like that: The Federal President [Bundes-praesident] has accepted the resignation, but his point of view is, that no one but the Chancellor is to be blamed for Berchtesgaden and its consequences, and therefore he'd like .... but he would like to entrust a man like Ender with the Chancellorship. At this moment our own gentlemen are in conference with him, Globotschnik and so on, and report on the situation. .
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Yes, now look here: This will change the whole situation. The Federal President or some one else has to be told that this is entirely different from what we were told. Globotschnik said upon your order that you had been given the chancellorship.
I myself? When did he say that?
Just an hour go. He said that you had the chancellorship and that also the Party had been restored, SA, SS had already taken over police duties etc.
No, that is not so. I suggested to the Federal President to entrust the chancellorship to me, usually it takes 3 to 4 hours. As for the Party we still do not have the possibility to restore it but we have ordered the SA and SS to take over police duties [Ordnungsdienst].
Well, that won't do! Under no circumstances! the matter is in progress now therefore, please, the Federal President has to be informed immediately that he has to turn the powers of the Federal Chancellor over to you and to accept the cabinet like it was arranged; you as Federal Chancellor and the Army—
(Interrupted him) Fieldmarshal, just now Muehlmann who was there has arrived. May he report to you?
Yes.
Dr. Muehlmann [ ?] takes over the conversation with G— The situation that the Federal President still refuses persistently to give his consent and asks for official diplomatic action by the Reich. Now we three National Socialists—Ro-denstock, Dreila, and I went to speak to him personally in order to make him understand that in this hopeless situation only one thing can be done by him: namely to say yes. He would not even let us see him. So far it looks as if he were not willing to give in.
(short conversation) (give me S)
S-I continues the conversation.
Now remember the following: You go immediately together with Lt. General Muff and tell the Federal President that if the conditions which are known to you are not accepted immediately, the troops who are already stationed at and advancing to the frontier will march in tonight along the whole line, and Austria will cease to exist. Lt. General Muff should go with you and demand to be admitted for conference immediately. Please, do inform us immediately about Miklas' position.. Tell him, there is no time now for any joke. Just
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through the false report we received before action was delayed, but now the situation is that tonight the invasion will . begin from all the corners of Austria. The invasion will be stopped and the troops will be held at the border only if we are informed by 7:30 that Miklas has entrusted you with the Federal Chancellorship. (it follows a sentence which is broken up)—
M does not matter whatever it might be, the immediate restoration of the Party with all its organizations—(again interruption) and then call out all the National Socialists all over the country. They should now be in the streets. So remember, report must be given till 7:30. Lt. General Muff is supposed to come along with you. I shall inform him immediately. If Miklas could not understand it in 4 hours, we shall make him understand it now in 4 minutes.
S: All right.
* * * ' * * * [Part H] '
Transcript of Telephone Conversation between Goering and Kep-pler and Lt. General Muff, instead of Muff, Keppler answered the phone. 11 March 1938 Wien-Berlin, 12.28 -18-34.
K: I j ust spoke to Muff. The Muff action was going on at the same time as mine was, so I did not know about it. Muff just saw the President, but he also refused. I shall call once more to find out whether or not the President wants to speak to me at this last minute.
G: Where is Muff now?
K: Muff just came down, his action was unsuccessful.
G: But, what does he have to say?
K: Well, he would not agree with it. ,
G: Well, then Seyss-Inquart has to dismiss him; just go upstairs again and just tell him plainly that S-I shall call on the National-Socialists guards and in 5 minutes the troops will march in by my order.
K: (Muff is called to the phone) Muff (?) does not answer by name.
M: It is a fact that Schuschnigg tried to prove to the world, that the National Socialists do not have any majority, and only by the threat of German arms—the conversation is interrupted for about 3 minutes, interruption comes from Vienna, G remains at the phone Unknown voice (male)
U: Hello
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Is that Secretary of the State Keppler?
No, he is just in conference with the Federal Chancellor. With the Federal President—
No, with the Federal Chancellor, they are all together, Federal President and Federal Chancellor.
Who is speaking?
Fehsemeir ( ?) Adjutant of—
Has he gone upstairs?
Yes, just now. '
Who is with him, upstairs?
The Federal President, the Federal Chancellor, and Mayor Schmiz.
Yes, I hold on—Fehsemeier, you have to hurry, we have just 3 minutes left—
Yes, I know—
Goering waits a while at the phone.
Comes first to the phone, "Well, I just saw the President again, but he has not given his consent."
He refused: Well, then Seyss shall call immediately.
He came to the phone immediately.
Seyss-Inquart came to the telephone.
Well, how do we stand?
Please, Fieldmarshal, yes.
Well, what is going on?
Yes, ah, the Federal President sticks to his old view-point. Now the Federal Chancellor (double name, not to be understood clearly—Weserick (?) went to see Schuschnigg in order to change his mind. He himself uses all his influence, but there is no decision made yet.
But do you think it possible that we shall come to a decision in the next few minutes.
Well, the conversation cannot take longer than 5 to 10 minutes, it will not take any longer, I guess.
Listen, so I shall wait a few more minutes, till he comes back then you inform me via Blitz conversation in the Reich Chancery as usual, but it has to be done fast. I hardly can justify it as a matter of fact. I am not entitled to do so; if it cannot be done, then you have to take over the power alright?
But if he threatens?
Yes.
Well, I see, then we shall be ready [antreten].
Call me via Blitz.
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[Part I]
Transcript of telephone conversation between Seyss-Inquart and Goering 11, March 38, Wien-Berlin 19; 57-20; 03
S: Dr. Schuschnigg will give the news over the radio that the Reich Government has given an ultimatum.
G: I heard about it.
S: And the Government itself has abdicated, General Schiwaski is in command of the Military forces and he will draw the troops back. The gentlemen pointed out that they are waiting for the troops to march in.
G: Well, they were appointed by you?
S: No.
G: Did you dismiss them from their office ?
S: No one was dismissed from his office, but the Government itself has pulled back and let matters take their course.
G: And you were not commissioned, it was refused?
S: Now like before it was refused. They expect that they are taking a chance with the invasion and expect that, if the invasion will actually take place the executive power will be transferred to other people.
G: 0. K. I shall give the order to march in and then you make sure, that you get the power. Notify the leading people about the following which I shall tell you now: Everyone who offers resistance or organizes resistance, will immediately, be subjected to our court-martial, the court-martial of our invading troops. Is that clear?
S: Yes.
G: Including leading personalities, it does not make any difference.
S: Yes, they have given the order, not to offer any resistance.
G: Yes, it does not matter: the Federal President will not authorize you, and that also can be considered as resistance.
S: Yes.
G: Well, now you are officially authorized. '
S: Yes.
G: Well, good luck, Heil Hitler.
[Part J]
Transcript of Telephone Conversation between Goering and Lt. General Muff. Goering himself addresses Muff, who till an hour ago Lt. General, as General German Embassy, Vienna.
G: Tell Seyss-Inquart the following: As we understand it the Government has abdicated but he himself remained. So he
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should continue to 3tay in office, and carry out necessary measures in the name of the Government. The invasion is going to happen now, and we shall state that every one who put up any resistance has to face the consequences. But the Austrian organizations may join us any time, rather they may seek protection from the German Wehrmacht. I should try to avoid chaos.
Seyss, will do so, he is already making a speech.
But he should take over now the Government, and should carry through things quietly. The best will be if Miklas resigns.
Yes, but he won't. It was very dramatic, 1 spoke to him almost 15 minutes. He declared that he will under no circumstances yield to force.
So—he will not give in to force.
He does not yield to force.
What does this mean? so he just wants to be kicked out?
Yes, he does not want to move.
Well, with 14 children one cannot move as one likes. Well, tell Seyss that he'll take over.
| Part L]
Transcript of Telephone Conversation between Goering and Keppler, Berlin-Vienna, 11 March 1938 20: 48-20:54.
K: I want to inform you shortly: Federal President Miklas has refused to do anything. But nevertheless, the government has ceased to function. I spoke to Schuschnigg and he said they had laid down their functions and we had to act accord- ingly. (Was the last sentence repeated)
They have laid down their functions, and Schuschnigg himself said that we had to act and (consequently?) Buhler (Buhler or Buhle—very unclear) has spoken to Seyss-Inquart over the phone, he (?) who is still in office as Secretary of the Interior, spoke over the radio.
G: (interrupts) I have read that. Continue.
K: The old Government has ordered the Army not to put up any resistance. Therefore, shooting is not allowed.
G: OK, I do not give a darn.
K: Pretty soon Landesleiter Kloose (?) will deliver a speech over the radio, and now (?) I want to ask you if not a prominent personality in Berlin wants to add a few words for the Austrian people?
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Well, I do not know yet. Listen: The main thing is, that Inquart takes over all powers of the Government, that he keeps the radio stations occupied . . .
Well, we represent the Government now.
Yes, that's it. You are the Government. Listen carefully: The following telegram should be sent here by Seyss-Inquart: Take the notes
"The provisional Austrian Government which after the dis missal of the Schuschnigg Government, considers it its task to establish peace and order in Austria, sends to the German Government the urgent request, to support it in its task and to help it to prevent bloodshed. For this purpose it asks the German Government to send German troops as soon as possible."
Well, SA and SS are marching through the streets, but everything is quick. Everything has collapsed with the professional groups (?).
Now listen: He has to guard the borders, so that they cannot disappear with their fortunes.
Yes, indeed. -And then—above all, he also is responsible for the foreign policy.
Yes, we still do need some one for this post.
Well, that does not matter. Now, Seyss-Inquart has to take it over and he has to appoint a few people. He should call upon the people we recommended to him. He should form now a provisional government. It is absolutely unimportant what the Federal President may have to say.
Yes, they are not doing anything!
No, no, he has to form the Government right now like he intended to. do, and he should inform the people abroad about it.
Yes.
He is the only one who still has power in Austria.
Yes.
Then our troops will cross the border today.
Yes.
Well. And he should send the telegram as soon as possible, Will send the telegram to S-I in the office of the Federal Chancellery.
Please. Show him the text of the telegram and do tell him that we are asking him—well, he does not even have to send the telegram—all he needs to do, is to say: agreed.
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K: Yes.
G: Either call me at the Fuehrer's or at my place, luck. Heil Hitler!
Well, good
[Part Mj
Transcript of Telephone Conversation between Wilhelm Keppler and Mr. Dietrich, Berlin-Vienna, 2154, 11 March 1939. General Bodenschatz wants to speak to Keppler. Dr. Dietrich, Berlin; Keppler, Wien.
Dietrich: I need the telegram urgently.
Keppler: Tell the General Field Marshal that Seyss-Inquart agrees.
Dietrich: This is marvelous. Thank you. _
Keppler: Listen to the radio. News will be given.
Dietrich: Where?
Keppler: From Vienna.
Dietrich: So Seyss-Inquart agrees?
Keppler: Jawohl!
[Part N]
Transcript of Telephone Conversation between Adolf Hitler and Prince Philipp von Hessen, 11 March 1938 FL ZUERICH 22:25-22:29.
H: I have just come back from Palazzo Venezia. The Duce accepted the whole thing in a very friendly manner. He sends you his regards. He had been informed from Austria, . Schuschnigg gave him the news. He had then said it would be a complete impossibility, it would be a bluff, such a thing could not be done. So he was told that it was unfortunately arranged thus and it could not be changed any more. Then Mussoslini said that Austria would be immaterial to him.
F: Then, please, tell Mussolini, I will never forget him for this.
H: Yes.
F: Never, never, never, whatever happens. I am still ready to make a quite different agreement with him.
H: Yes, I told him that, too.
F: As soon as the Austrian affair has been settled, I shall be ready to go with him through thick and thin, nothing matters.
H: Yes, my Fuehrer.
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Listen, 1 shall make any agreement—1 am no longer in fear of the terrible position which would have existed militarily in case we had gotten into a conflict. You may tell him that I do thank him ever so much, never, never shall I forget that.
Yes, my Fuehrer.
I will never forget it, whatever will happen. If he should ever need any help or be in any danger, he can be convinced that I shall stick to him whatever might happen, even if the whole world were against him.
Yes, my Fuehrer. .
Well
Then, I would like to say that this afternoon the French envoy asked for a conference with Count Ciano, by order of his Government on account of the Austria affair. But Count Ciano refused to see him and thereupon the envoy stated that they have to disregard any further oral negotiations with Italy.
Yes, I thank you.
My Fuehrer, also I wanted to ask you do you want me to stay here, or shall I come back at once tomorrow?
You may still stay there.
Shall I send the machine back?
No, you may still keep it there.
Yes, I shall report again tomorrow.
Yes, I thank you.
| Part W]
Telephone Conversation between
Goering and Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs, von Ribbentrop 13 March 1938, London 9:15-9:55.
G : As you know the Fuehrer has entrusted me with the administration of the current government procedures [Fuehrung der Regierungsgeschaefte]. And therefore I wanted to inform you. There is overwhelming joy in Austria, that you can hear over the radio.
R: Yes, it is fantastic, isn't it? .
G : Yes, the last march into the Rhineland is completely overshadowed. The Fuehrer was deeply moved, when he talked to me last night. You must remember it was the first time that he saw his, homeland again. Now, I mainly want to talk about political things. Well, this story we had given an ultimatum, that is just foolish gossip. From the very begin-
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ning the National Socialist ministers and the representatives of the people [Volksreferenten] have presented the ultimatum. Later on, more and more prominent people of the Movement Party participated, and as a natural result, the Austrian National Socialist ministers asked us to back them up, so they would not be completely beaten up again and be subjected to terror and civil war. Then we told them we would not allow Schuschnigg to provoke a civil war, under no circumstances. Whether by Schuschnigg's direct order, or with consent. The Communists and the Reds had been armed, and were already making demonstrations, which were photographed with "Heil Moskan" and so on. Naturally, all these facts caused some danger for Wiener-Neustadt. Then you have to consider that Schuschnigg made his speeches, telling them the Fatherland Front [Vaterländische Front] would fight to its last man, one could not know that they would capitulate like that and therefore Seyss-Inquaft who already had taken over the government asked us to march in immediately. Before we had already marched up to the frontier since we could not know whether there would be a civil war or not. These are the actual facts which can be proved by documents. This way the people may—. The following is interesting: The absolute complete enthusiasm for the National Socialism which is surprising even to us. And the reason for that is: About 80 % among the members of the Fatherland Front were National Socialists, but these people had to join the Fatherland Front, otherwise they were subjected to terror, mainly economically, in that everybody who did not belong to the Fatherland Front lost his job so the Fatherland Front really seemed to be something. But actually, these were all our people which is just being discovered now, and that explains the whole situation, which did even surpass all our expectations. At least we thought— but with the one exception of the Jews and a part of those deep black ones, there is no one against us.
So it seems that all Austria is on our side.
Well, let me tell you, if there were an election tomorrow.— I already told S-I he should invite the representatives of the Democratic powers—they could' convince themselves that this was really an election carried through on a democratic basis—and we shall have 90% votes in our favour. Absolutely ! Only now one gets the reports how these people have been mistreated; I believe it is absolutely necessary that serious people from England and France should be asked
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to come over here and to watch what is actually going on. The biggest trick which ever had been played was done here.
R: I believe that this conviction will grow here. During these last days I had a few conversations not to forget the one I had the day before yesterday. Things are like that: at the moment they had their big surprise were—later on I shall tell you more but generally people act very sensibly. The day before yesterday I told Halifax—who was with me quite a long time—that the whole English public opinion knows exactly what is going on in Austria.
G: There is something else I started to say: We cannot afford to have any elections as long as our troops are stationed there, they should be back first. Besides, during the next few days our troops will return. No one could stop that, any military man knows that, when such a thing is running, when the order is given to start the matter takes its course, till the troops have reached their destination, and till they are ready to be shipped away and returned. As I was informed yesterday, one figures with 5-6 days. This is now nothing but a friendship march. Nothing has happened, not one shot was fired. Still we have to take over Vienna and Wiener-Neustadt. But I am convinced that will be an easy job—as it was all over. But no one could have expected that. Just remember the speeches of these people. They always shouted these were fanatics, determined—to fight for Austria, for her independence, and soon, that there was nothing behind it, no one could suspect. Officials, for instance, reported and the higher ups just as well as the smaller ones and the ones in the ranks in between, they all told the same story: "You cannot imagine if we only once had mentioned that we were sympathizing with you we would have been put ruthlessly into the streets with our families." It was such a brutal system! They only could fool the world by covering all their deeds with the word "Christianity", they were so slimy. But they were the most brutal days that ever did exist. I have to say I take my hat off to those in Russia, at least they are honest. On top of it, these people here were infamous. There they did not behead people:— well, some of them they did behead—but here they killed them economically, they ruined them. One thing I want to say: it is claimed that we overpowered the Austrian people, and took away their independence, then one should admit at least that just one little part of it was put under pressure-— not by us—and that was the government which existed on
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such a small basis. The Austrian people have only been freed by now. I would just suggest to Halifax or to some real serious people whom he trusts to just send them over, so they may have a picture of what is going on here. They shall travel through the country, then they will see everything. Besides I also want to point out, yesterday, you know, if there—they were saying the most serious things, war, and so on, it made me laugh because where would one find such an unscrupulous statesman who would send again millions of people to death only because 2 German brother-nations—
R: Yes, this is absolutely ridiculous; one realizes that over here; I do think one knows pretty well over here what is going on.
G: Mr. Ribbentrop, I would call attention to one fact particularly: What state in the whole world will get hurt by our union ? Do we take away anything from any other state ? If the states say: well, that is against our interests! What kind of interest did these states have? They only could have one interest, to create hostile feelings against Germany. The percentage of minorities does not exceed more than 0.1% over all Austria. All the people are German, all the people speak German. Well, not one single state is involved in it. And the states which as the only ones might have an interest. You may say that, Italy and Yugoslavia and Hungary because a few hundred thousand Germans are living there— these who could say that they might feel etc—they actually do not feel that they are threatened. Therefore, it is ridiculous, if France—Besides I do want to point out that the Czechoslovakian minister came to see me yesterday and he explained, that the rumor Czechoslovakia had mobilized was taken out of the thin air and they would be satisfied with one word from me that I would not undertake the slightest thing against Czechoslovakia.
R: Of this the embassy was already informed the day before yesterday. He himself called here yesterday and told Woermann so.
G: Thereupon I said the following: The German troops are supposed to stay away 15-20 Km from the border, on their march through Austria, and north of the Danube in the whole sector only one dissolved battalion was to march merely so that these villages can share in the joy and pleasure. Today the advance does no more take place according to mili-
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tary principles but all over the roads smaller columns are marching because every village wants to see a German soldier.
Now let me tell you this: Later on I want to take a plane. I paid my farewell visit to everyone already the day before yesterday. The embassy takes care of all business. I do not have any more authority.
But the Fuehrer thought because you are just there that you could inform the people what is really going on. Above all, that it is absolutely wrong to think Germany had given an ultimatum.
I have already spoken very openly with Halifax and Chamberlain. There is no doubt about it. Only the fact that the newspapers—people start to ask questions and it does not seem to be right if I still remain here, it would look strange, somehow.
No, no, I think so, too. Only, I did not know if you spoke already to these people. I want that you once more—but no —not at all once more—but generally speaking—tell the following to Halifax and Chamberlain: It is not correct that Germany has given any ultimatum. This is a lie by Schuschnigg, because the ultimatum was presented to him by S-I, Gleise-Horstenau, and Jury. Furthermore, it is not true that we have presented an ultimatum to the Federal President, but it also was given by the others and as far as I know just a military-attache came along, asked by S-I, because of a technical question; he was supposed to ask whether in case S-l would ask for the support of German troops, Germany would grant this request. Furthermore I want to state that S-I asked us expressively—by phone as by telegram to send troops because he did not know about the situation in Wiener —Neustadt, Vienna, and so on; because arms had been distributed there. And then he could not know how the Fatherland Front might react since they always had had such a big mouth.
Mr. Goering, tell me, how is the situation in Vienna, is everything settled yet?
Yes. Yesterday I landed hundreds of airplanes with some companies, in order to secure the airfield and they were received with joy. Today the advance unit of the 17. division marches in, together with the Austrian troops. Also I want to point out that the Austrian troops did not withdraw but that they got together and fraternized immediately with the German troops, wherever they were stationed.
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That had to be expected.
The marching-in took place, then, according to this wish. Now we also recognize that further invasion is no more necessary. The whole affair is rolling as it is supposed to roll and it has crystallized into a march of joy; if you want to call it like that, as soon as it will stop—which will be either tomorrow or the day after tomorrow—the transport back shall start. The Austrian Government has informed us that it will then hold a free and secret election, on the basis of democratic principles, so that every Austrian will be able to give his real free vote in a free and secret election. And therefore they want to ask people from abroad so that afterwards no reproach of falsification can be made—like Schuschnigg did —so that they will see that this is a real and secret election. It is also in our interest because we are absolutely convinced that we shall get an overwhelming majority. Therefore it is also in our interest that this election will be handled absolutely correctly. After the election then we shall see the decision the people made and we shall see what is going to happen. But above one thing you must not leave any doubt: We will respect the decision, Austria will make in any respect. And, in case she decides for union—of which we have no doubt—then no power on earth will be able to separate us. It may be that a world-league of all states may overpower Germany, but it won't be possible that we will tolerate to be separated again if Austria decides to go together with Germany. And this is no threat for any state whatsoever, I want to make that clear. In no respect are we threatening the CSR but the CSR has now the possibility to come to a friendly and reasonable agreement with us. They say (the CSR): "We did not mobilize any soldiers in the West. Nothing has been changed in the present situation." Everything under the condition that France remains sensible and does not take any steps. Naturally, if France organizes now a big mobilization close to the border, then it'll not be funny.
I believe that they will behave all right.
We have a clear conscience and that is the decisive factor. Before world history we have a free conscience. Never has it happened in the world that anyone did interfere if two brother-nations united. That would be against the sovereign rights of people. That would be absolutely ridiculous.
I had a long intensive conversation with Halifax, and I told him our basic conception also in respect to the German-Eng-lish understanding—
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That I wanted to say, you know yourself, Ribbentrop, that I always was in favour of a German-English understanding. No one else would be more glad than I, if the English really wanted it seriously, and if they also recognized that we are also a proud and free nation. After all, we also do represent 2 brother-nations.
I can tell you one thing, Mr. Goering. The other day I spoke to Chamberlain after that breakfast, and I got a very good impression of him, and he gave me a message, some news for the Fuehrer, which I shall deliver personally to the Fuehrer. Will you be in Berlin this afternoon?
Yes, I will. We celebrate the '"Memorial Day" [Heldengedenktag] but let me tell you this, you'll have to stay in Berlin. The Fuehrer himself gave me the order that every minister— You know, otherwise we would have a great migration—Yesterday not one single minister and official was at home. I would have needed 1000 planes. Naturally, they all want to enjoy this ecstasy of joy. Therefore I had to keep the gentlemen back by using draconic measures.
I cannot tell you that over the phone. But it is better for me to take off today.
Yes, I leave it entirely to you.
Otherwise, it will not make sense. My conversations are concluded, and if I sit around it might give a funny impression. But I had an excellent impression of Chamberlain.
I am glad to hear that. .
The other day I spoke quite a while with him. I do not want to speak about it over the phone, but I have the impression that Chamberlain also is very serious about an understanding. I told him in this conversation that after the Austrian problem had been settled, the understanding between Germany and England will be so much less complicated than before. I believe, he realized that.
Look, since the whole problem has been settled down there and no more danger of excitement and disturbance exists— and this was a source of real danger—the people should be thankful for our having eliminated this source of crisis.
I told them that, too, and also pointed out that we got rid of a situation, which caused always many troubles. Even if there was some excitement at this moment, the great line for the German-English understanding could only be strengthened by it. I also said to Halifax at the end of our conversation that we honestly do want to come to an understanding and he replied that his only worry was the CSR.
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No, no, that is out of the question.
I told him then that we were not interested and we did not intend to do anything there. On the contrary, if our FellowGermans were treated in a sensible way, then we should come to an agreement there, too.
Yes, I am also convinced that Halifax is an absolutely reasonable man.
I got the best impression of Halifax as well as of Chamberlain. He thought it would be a little difficult with our (Engl.) public opinion, because here it looks like force etc. I have the feeling that the normal Englishman, the man in the street will say, why should England bother with Austria. And therefore I believe that if the English Government will tell Chamberlain today, him as the leader—after all he is the leader; he himself said so during the last few weeks if he really does interfere in this case and if he gives an explanation in the sense in which we worked it out together (3 words unintelligible) that at home, our Fuehrer, as far as he could see that it is proved by the public English opinion which after a few days or weeks on a great problem of world history in the sense of a German-English understanding like we all desire it. (extremely unintelligible).
This is absolutely'clear. (The following unintelligible). There are matters which do concern people, and there are matters which do not concern them at all.
I have to say through my last conversation with Halifax I have the impression that he did not react to the arguments I gave him, but at last he said I could be convinced that he also did favour a German-English understanding.
More or less everything is in wonderful peace. Two peoples embrace each other and are overjoyed and express their happiness.
All the people over here think—
Another people which other—the other state bears the whole responsibility if such misery overcomes the people. Besides I must say, Mussolini behaved wonderfully.
Yes, I heard already about it.
Wonderful.
Very good, indeed. We always thought so!
Marvellous! He (M) said Schuschnigg asked him about the election. So he answered Schuschnigg: you cannot do that, you cannot do it, such a kind of an election has never happened before; now we have the material which shows how
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Schuschnigg wanted to carry out these elections. (Some words unintelligible). Every single vote we found was a yes-vote. Only votes which did indicate neither yes nor no were considered as no-votes and on these slips was written "I say no Hermann Goering, Innsbruck ?Strasse 2". Unbelievable. Anyone of the small people would never have dared to do that.
Listen; if someone took a yes-vote and crossed it out with a pencil and then wrote over it "no", then this was considered as "yes". If you took a yes-vote and you tore it in 2 pieces and you threw both parts in, then it was not considered as one vote, but it counted for 2 yes-votes since it was torn into pieces.
Really ?
As true as I am here! These are the secret matters which we shall still publish.
By God, you should publish it immediately, this is unbelievable.
Well, every torn vote was considered as yes-vote; so if several were torn, one did not put them together, but every single torn piece was a yes-vote.
This is quite unbelievable.
Now—but how did one vote!
Do we have any material which gives us any clue?
Yes, yes, this is how it happened: Well, you went into the voting-place and said: I am Mr. Meier! "Yes, Mr. Meier, give me your vote". Now they said that the registry of all the inhabitants was delivered. Well, let's say, this Mr. Meier had this list and he marked it. Then he went into the next voting place in Innsbruck; they had the same lists, every voting had these lists (words unintelligible). Mr. Meier said: "I want to vote" "Please, Mr. Meier". It is being marked again. Now he goes into the third voting-place, where again one has the same list, because every voting-place always had the same list.
It is unbelievable.
Now, he gives his vote for the third time. The only fear these people had was the following: That one might find more yes-votes than there were people entitled to vote. But even that would not have bothered them, they would just have subtracted them.
They just would have subtracted them.
S-I believes—and so do I—that he may still find out thru interrogation of the employees that they already had fixed
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beforehand the numbers of the yes and no-votes and also the amount of peoples who had not given their vote at all.
R: Unintelligible.
G: That was the most brazen election which would ever have taken place.
R: Immediately when I was informed first I expressed myself very strongly against this election as a pure swindle a few days ago in my conversation with Halifax.
G: Listen: Another swindle was enacted. In spite of the fact that there is a new Minister for foreign affairs, the ambassadors—I believe also the one in London, Frankenstein, (p.h.) went and they have responsibility (unintelligible) toward their old government—they were made to come, changed opinions of the new minister according to their convictions. This is being investigated. S-I informed me about it yesterday. He said, he found out, that there still exist connections between the embassies and underground forces, that is unauthorized people of the old government, and that these ambassadors represent requests of the old government on behalf of the new one. Do you understand ?
R: Yes.
G: And this is supposed to have happened in London.
R: Yes, yes. Frankenstein himself—we have a few people, I know, they are very unfriendly.
G: How is Frankenstein ?
R: Well, toward us—I do not know how he really feels, you see —they borrowed swastika flag for today—
G: That is fine.
R: Yes, that is OK. But I believe he always showed himself loyal and decent toward me, I cannot say differently; I cannot say how he really feels, though. But, as you know, we have a few people here who are most disagreeable.
G: But tell Frankenstein he has to represent the present government.
R: Yes, that is understood.
G: Well, any way, S-I told me yesterday, I do not know if it was the Austrian Minister in England or in Paris, I believe in Paris, who asked. Is it correct that the Austrian government asked for the German troops? So he was told by the new foreign office: Yes, that is correct. Well, we said that the new ministry for foreign affairs did say the government had not asked for them. This matter is being investigated.
R: There are far more fellows there who just try to mingle in; well, thank you so much, Mr. Goering.
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G : Come over here, it is beautiful over here.
R: Well, I shall come this afternoon. Generally speaking, I do believe it is a wonderful thing.
G: I want to tell you, I am happy beyond any description. You do not know how much I suffered under the Austrian question. That was what always made me suffer so immensely, as a German. I never could understand, that 4 foreign powers were against us—when just Germans were yearning for Germans. Always this penetrated me to my marrow.
I have also, you know, in a very short time—I do not think I am wrong—one will say here—by God, it is good that finally a problem has been settled in such a peaceful way— isn't it fantastic— -Now listen, I do not ask for anything but that the world will respect the election in Austria as we do. If this will happen then I believe that in the next future (unintelligible). And then I believe, we may— .
Ribbentrop, then you have to mention another thing, if you have a chance to—it is very important. The Austrian people is ruined economically. There are many many unemployed people, a terrific misery. In case Austria will make her decision in favor of Germany, we will be able to help these people with our great economic program. We can continue the Autobahn immediately, we can build more highways, we may buy again timber, also some cattle, and imagine, Austria always has lived from tourists. Imagine, if now Austria will make her decision for Germany, then—I am sure—there will not exist a German who will not go to Austria next summer. R : Well, I believe the unemployment problem will no more exist there, within a short time. I guarantee you, I personally— G: I believe—within the next 6 weeks—there will be no more unemployed in Austria—but everybody will be working, and they will be put to work in Austria, herself.
R : I want to tell you one more thing : I have not left any doubt whatsoever—that in case of a threat, or if anything would happen—the Fuehrer and the whole nation will stand behind it—100 per cent. -G: Let me tell you the following confidentially: The Fuehrer who is usually well controlled—is too much involved in this respect with his heart since it concerns his homeland. I believe if he receives any threat in the Austrian question he will never give in, and I have to make it clear, neither will the 2 nations. That would be a fanatic matter, in Germany as well as in Austria.
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R: That is clear.
G: There is no doubt. Who ever threatens, us now, will strike at both peoples, and both shall put up a fanatic resistance.
R: I believe there is no doubt about that anywhere.
G: Yes, if anyone insists on it, all right— But I always say if there is any statesman in the world unscrupulous enough— because 2 German people! want to get united—ready to threaten with war, or who ever is ready to send millions of people to the battlefield—let him come. I rather want my people to be eliminated than that they may give in to this.
R: I never left any doubt about that. But I may say, that I am of the opinion that one is rather reasonable, I do believe.
G: In that—I have to say—I'd not see anything reasonable, that would be the most absurd thing. Then the world must have become an insane asylum. It might be different if there was a people over there which might resist with all its force
against a German invasion and ask the whole world for help. Then I might understand that. This is just ridiculous.
R: Yes, Mr. Goering—
G: Well, do come! I shall be delighted to see you.
R: I shall see you this afternoon.
G: The weather is wonderful here. Blue sky. I am sitting here on my balcony—all covered with blankets—in the fresh air, drinking my coffee. Later on I have to drive in, I have to make the speech, and the birds are twittering, and here and there I can hear over the radio the enthusiasm, which is wonderful over there.
R: That is marvellous.
G: I do envy all those who could be there yesterday. I have to sit here and have to keep the key position.
R: Just a while ago we also listened in.
G: It is interesting, did you hear the Fuehrer's speech from Linz?
R: No, unfortunately not.
G: To me it was the most interesting one—it was very short— the most interesting speech I ever heard from the Fuehrer. This man who masters the language as hardly any one—this man could hardly speak. It was not much that he said, but he was deeply moved. Then later he phoned me and said: "Goering, you cannot imagine, how beautiful my homeland is —I had forgotten it." Today, he is visiting the grave of his parents where he will deposit a wreath. Linz, imagine, for many years it has been the first time that he is in the city,
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at the grave of his parents—how crazy and grotesque circumstances have been. Imagine, shortly before the Berchtesgadener agreement—when the house of my sister was searched, she is married to the present secretary of Justice— the pictures of the Fuehrer and the one of myself—of her own brother—were taken away. (Next sentence cannot be understood). Nothing was written about that.
R: Was the Fuehrer very much shocked?
G: Yes, very much so. I believe that he goes through dark days. Scenes are supposed to happen—Besides, Ward Price is with him.
R: Yes, I already have read the article by Ward Price, this morning.
G: From Linz ? '
R: By Ward Price, very good.
G: Yes, I mean, concerning Linz?
R: Yes, about Linz, wonderful.
G: Well, this does interest me, because he is supposed to—
R: I do know: The Fuehrer asked for him and wanted his opinion, if he did consider that, what he did see, here, as force?
G: What does-W P write about it?
R: Well, he writes—it looks like it must have been overwhelming.
G: Imagine, this small town of 36,000 inhabitants, almost half a million people are supposed to have gathered here—Well, do come!
R : Good bye, and Heil Hitler.
G: Heil Hitler.