Q. Did you not have certain supervisory tasks in that connection?
A. Well, it depends how you look at it. It depends on whether you were working on behalf of the SS or the detainees.
Q. My question was, you know, did you have supervisory tasks as a Revier Capo, and I should like to have a clear answer.
A. Then you should out your question more clear. Do you mean on behalf of the SS or the detainees?
Q. witness, you are not entitled to put questions to me, you know. I am asking you again whether you, as a Revier Capo, as sick quarters superintindent, had orders to supervise or to guard detainees?
A. Who was supposed to give me that order? Who gave me the order, do you think?
Q. Witness, I have already told you once before that those counterquestions are superfluous.
A. But look here, attorney, I can't give you an answer on uncertain questions.
DR. WEISGRUBER: Mr. President, I beg you to instruct the witness that it is his duty to answer my questions because in this manner cross examination is being made impossible.
THE PRESIDENT: The witness will answer questions propounded to him by Counsel as near as he can.
WITNESS: Yes, but I shall then have to be clear as to what the question mean.
DR. WEISGRUBER: Who appointed you as Revier Capo?
A. The detainees in the camp did that.
Q And did this happen without knowledge of the camp commandanteur or the department in charge?
A Do you mean the SS commandant or the detainees' commandant?
Q I do not understand your answer. Is that meant to be another counter question?
A No. There was an SS commandant and then there was a commandant appointed by the prisoners in the camp.
Q Well then, who appointed you as Revier Capo?
A The prisoner commandanteur.
Q And did this happen without the knowledge of the camp commandanteur?
A If you mean the SS commandanteur, they were agreeable. They agreed to whatever the prisoner commandanteur suggested to them because they themselves were not in a position, they were not capable of running a camp.
Q The way you are picturing this, the prisoner-commandant's office suggested you as Revier Capo.
A First of all as a medical orderly.
Q Then, of whom did this prisoner-commandant's office consist?
AAt the time it consisted of political detainees.
Q did the SS Commandanteur recognize them as such?
A Yes, they were recognized as the prisoner-commandant's office.
Q So that it was not only your task to look after the patients in the sick quarters but you were also carrying out certain supervisory tasks?
A We did not have any tasks of a supervisory character.
Q Well then, who was responsible if one of these detainees in the sick quarters escaped?
A None of the patients in the sick quarters could escape because they were so sick when they were transferred to the sick quarters they could not move any more. That way it was impossible to escape.
Q Witness, you had told us earlier that the experimental subjects were first of all-well looked after for 14 days.
Were they looked after so well that they reached a condition where they were incapable of escaping?
A I have also mentioned at the same time that this block had been separated and was locked so that no one could get out, none of these people, these experimental subjects, could get out.
Q So that you want to say that an escape attempt would have been impossible right from the word go?
A Yes, in this Ahnenerbe department, escape was impossible.
Q Why was it impossible?
A Because all the way around, directly next to the Ahnenerbe Department, there was a watch tower. On top of that there was a guard who had a machine gun.
Q But then was it any different from other parts of the camp?
A Yes, it was the same in other parts of the camp except that this part was separately locked again.
Q You had told us earlier that you were present during certain experiments. You referred to a certain part of your activities, mainly that when you had to hold up the arms of the prisoners, when a certain liquid was applied to the arms of these prisoners?
A No, it had happened already. Afterwards the prisoners had to hold up their arms - they had to stand like this in front of me. (Witness demonstrating with arms outstretched.) I used to bring the prisoners into the room. Then the operation was carried out on them. Then they were brought back to the adjoining room and then they had to stand like this and hold their arms for about one hour.
Q Did your work during these experiments consist exclusively of your having to take prisoners into the room in which experiments were carried out?
A No, I had to look after them afterwards, I had to take care of them and ascertain the progress of the disease. I had to check it.
Q Did you, during the actual experiments, not give them a helping hand?
A There was not anything of that nature to be done for them.
Q Did you not have to boil syringes?
A No, that was not my job.
Q whether this was your work or not is not what I want to know from you. I want to know whether you did it.
A No, no, I did not do it.
Q Did you assist in the dressing of the wounds of the prisoners?
A Yes, that was my job.
Q Immediately subsequent to the so-called experiments, I take it?
A Yes, immediately after the experiments.
Q Did you consider this work as a normal medical experiment, or did it strike you that this was something different?
A We were not allowed to think in that camp.
Q Witness, that is the sort of an answer which you can and will save yourself in the future. I have asked you, did you consider these experiments normal medical experiments, or did you think that they were some thing non-permissible?
A Well, if Professor Hirt congratulated, the experimenting doctors of each individual case and said, "we can congratulate each other for having succeeded with our experiments," then you wouldn't have to think for top long or too hard to figure out what they were for.
Q What do you mean by that?
A The war industry, of course. It was for that these experiments were carried out.
Q So that you considered these experiments as being the permissible activity of a medical officer within the tenets of war industry?
A Well, permitted from Berlin. It was permitted within the Ahnenerbe Department, where they were described as private experiments for war science.
Q And what was your own personal attitude towards these experiments?
A I was trying to save what could be saved.
Q Did you yourself consider these experiments as permissible, or not?
A They were not permitted as far as we were concerned, from our department.
Q Then why did you remain, why did you continue to stay with these experiments for more than a year?
A Just in order to save people, save what I could save, just as I told you a minute ago.
Q From where does your knowledge originate that criminal and political detainees were detailed for experimental purposes?
A Each detainee had a marking and they differed according to color, red, green, purple, pink, black, and so on. Green was criminal; red was political; and black was anti-social. Only those criminal and political prisoners were allowed to carry such markings in the camp.
Q. And both criminal as well as political prisoners were used for these experiments, I take it?
Q. Without exception, yes.
Q. You have already earlier given the same reply -- "without exception." There is nothing much we can do with that.
A. All right, I will explain it to you in detail.
Q. Please do.
A. In a black like Natzweiler, everything and everybody was mixed together-- political, anti-social and criminal prisoners were all together in one block. If people were needed for experiments the doctors would go into the block. The people had to undress and then, of course, nobody had any markings any more. Then the healthiest were selected and they were merely detailed to go to the Ahnenerbe Department for experimental purposes.
A. I had to look after them, and having been in the camp as long as all that, I knew the individuals. I knew whether they were criminal, political, or anti-social, and I therefore knew who was a criminal prisoners and who was a political prisoner.
Q. But then if these people came to you without markings I can't imagine on the strength of what you could recognize whether they were criminal or political prisoners.
A. Well I knew, for instance, that Miller was Miller and that Hoffman was Hoffman, and I knew that Miller was a criminal prisoner and that Hoffman was a political one.
Q. Did you know every inmate of the camp?
A. The majority of them I did, yes.
Q. And how did you know them?
A. Because I myself was there from the beginning at that camp.
Q. But you only worked in the sick quarters, didn't you? Did every one in camp pass through sick quarters?
A. Few detainees failed to pass through sick quarters through one disease or another.
Q. How many people went to the crematory within the framework of the injection experiments?
A. The injection experiments? These people, well, for instance today there were 6 that went to the crematory; then tomorrow there were 2 and they went to the crematory, and so it went on.
Q. So if I understand you correctly, the injections were carried out in the crematory itself?
A. No, they were carried on in the Ahnenerbe Department and then for further treatment these people went to the crematory; there, as I have already told you, there was a so-called sick room, which had 2 beds, and there these people went for further checking of the disease.
Q. These people who went to the crematory, were they subject to your further assistance and treatment?
A. No, they were removed from my care.
Q. Well, then, how did you know anything about the future fate of these people?
A. The man who cremated these people, the crematory attendant, was also a prisoner himself, and he used to tell us each time when these people were cremated.
Q. This crematory attendant, did he also look after the people?
A. No, he had nothing to do with the medical care of them.
Q. Did you also assist during dissections? During the dissections of these people did you assist in anyway?
A. Yes, I assisted.
Q. What did you have to do?
A. Well, for instance, I used to bring individual parts of the bodies to the Pathological Institute, or I used to hang over knives or tweezers.
Q. How often did that happen?
A Every corpse was dissected.
Q. Were you present during every dissection?
A. Yes, I was.
Q. Earlier you have been talking about typhus injections.
A. Yes, I was.
Q. Admittedly you stated that you were not aware in the case of the individual injections that they were typhus injections, is that true?
A. Yes, correct.
Q. But you know that during the early months of 1944 an epidemic was prevailing in the camp -- typhus, or "Rhur" epidemic, or typhoid epidemic. Are you now drawing the conclusion on the strength of this epidemic that the injections carried out on the strength of certain experimental programs produced typhus or that they were typhus injections and that they were the cause of the epidemic?
A. Yes, because beginning with that moment that epidemic was apparent.
Q. Is there anything known to you how typhus is transmitted?
Q. What do you know about it.
A. Typhus can be passed on, for instance, through dirt, through excrements, as was the case there.
Q. What was the color of the injection liquid?
A. I have told you that the injection was carried out by the individual doctors upstairs in the Ahnenerbe Department and that afterwards the patients went to the crematory.
Q But you were present during the injections; were you not?
A No, I was not present.
Q Did you not take the experimental subjects into the room?
Q But, you were not present during the actual injections?
THE PRESIDENT: It is now time for the Tribunal to recess.
(A RECESS WAS TAKEN.)
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is again in session.
DR. WEISGERBER: May I proceed, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT: You may proceed with the cross examination.
CROSS EXAMINATION RESUMED BY DR. WEISGERBER:
Q Did the officer of the air corps, when he was making the injections in the crematory, was this medical officer the same one who was present during the case experiments?
A I don't know what was in the crematorium.
Q You said before that the injections were carried out in the rooms of the Ahnerbe?
A Yes, in the Ahnerbe.
Q Well, in that case you would have to know whom it was that conducted these experiments?
A Yes, the medical officers of the Air Force.
Q Were they the very same officers?
A During the respective experiments the officers changed.
Q Do you merely wish to differentiate between Professor Hirt and the air force officer, which you have mentioned previously?
A I have said before Prof. Hirt was present during the experiments, but the experiments were conducted by the air force officers.
Q Up until now you have merely spoken of one Luftwaffe officer?
A I have said before the medical officer of the air force changed during the respective experiments.
Q Well, in that case there were many air force officers?
A Yes, there were many air force officers.
Q How long did it take until these human subjects received the injections and were then brought into the crematorium?
A That differed. For instance, in the camp every inmate had a number. The crematorium was not large enough to accommodate currently all the dead from the entire camp and burn them there. The dead were then brought to the cellar room, attached to the crematorium and then they were burned subsequently, the number of the inmate was noted down. It often occurred that some dead were burned immediately and others stayed there for eight or ten days.
Q You did not quite understand my question. The experimental subjects who received these injections were immediately after the injection transferred into the crematorium?
A Yes, there was a room there at the crematorium that was put at this disposal.
Q Well, how long did it take for these people to die?
AAbout five or six days. It may have been earlier. I have already said that the dead were all sent to the cellar.
Q We have already heard that. We don't have to discuss the period of time when they were burned. Were the experimental subjects, who were transferred to the crematorium, were they dissected?
A No, they were not dissected.
Q Did Ahnenerbe have anything to do with F-13?
A The Ahnenerbe had nothing to do with that.
Q You stated previously that toward the end of 1943 you were transferred; is that correct?
Q Were you transferred by the administration of the camp?
A Yes, the camp administration ordered that. I was sent to Dr. Schiedlauski, who was the camp physician and he was the one really who denounced me and then I was transferred to the camp at Iffesheim.
Q Why; what was his denunciation?
A He said that I was favoring the inmates too much.
Q And that was reported by the camp commander to the SS Commander?
A Yes, to the camp physician.
Q Then, subsequently you repeatedly accompanied transports from Iffesheim to Natzweiler and then again fetched them from Natzweiler; is that correct?
Q Who selected these inmates which you brought back to Natzweiler?
A They were always selected by the camp administration.
Q Who was that?
A That was the camp administration of the inmates, yes.
Q And now about the selection of the inmate subjects; those selected in Natzweiler, was that done by the camp administration?
A Yes, that was also done by the camp administration.
DR. WEISGERBER: I have no further questions to put to the witness, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Any further cross examination of this witness of the part of any other defense counsel?
Has the Prosecution any redirect examination of this witness?
MR. McHANEY: No redirect, your Honor.
THE PRESIDENT: The witness is excused. You may stand aside.
MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, we have one additional witness to testify with respect to the mustard gas experiments at Natzweiler. However it will not be expedient for us to call him until Monday morning which we shall do at that time.
I would like now to offer Document NO-881 which is on page 62 of your Honor's Document book, and I offer it. This is an affidavit taken from one, Rene-Colombin Wagner, and I offer it provisionally; that is to say, under the same conditions under which the affidavit of Rudolf Brandt was admitted this morning. The fact is that this affidavit was taken under an oath administered by Guy Favarger, who is a research analyst of the Office of Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, and therefore I take it that under the Court's ruling this morning this affidavit also can be offered provisionally and the certificate which we will obtain from General Taylor will cover, I hope, all persons attached to the Office of Chief of Counsel who are authorized by him to administer oaths and to aid in the production of evidence.
THE PRESIDENT: The affidavit will be received provisionally under the same conditions as that received this morning.
MR. McHANEY: And this will be Prosecution Exhibit 280. The affidavit reads as follows:
"I, the undersigned, Wagner, Rene-Colombin, being duly sworn, depose and state:
"1. I was born on 30 July 1899 in Cernay (Haut-Rhin) France and I am a French citizen. I have attended the primary superior school in Strasbourt and Mulhouse. I am a scientific draftsman and have worked for various doctors.
"2. On May 1, 1941, I started to work for Professor Hirt as a scientific draftsman. Professor Hirt's chief was SS Standartenfuehrer Wolfram Sievers, who was the general representative for scientific researches of the 'Ahnenerbe' Sievers was often in Strasbourg and was well informed all about the abovementioned questions.
He received regular reports on all the work that was undertaken by Professor Hirt in the University of Strasbourg and by Hirt he was informed of the work of Professor Haagen. I have myself often seen Sievers in Strasbourg in Hirt's office where I worked.
"3. My direct collaborators were Meyer, Bong, Miss Elise Schmidt and Miss Bennemann. In the Franzeky Fort, in back of the Ruprechtsau in Strasbourg, we have made some experiments on animals and I know that the results of these experiments were to be used for other experiments on human beings in the Natzweiler Concentration Camp. I know the above-mentioned from conversations between the Doctors Hirt, Haagen, Wimmer, assistant of Hirt, and other doctors from the University and from phone calls that I have received myself from the Natzweiler Concentration Camp. I add that I had to sign a document, pledging myself to secrecy on all that I saw and heard, officially or not, in the University of Strasbourg. The breach of that promise would have meant death. This document, which I have undersigned, was signed by Hirt under Himmler's orders.
"4. During the time that I was employed by Professor Hirt, meaning until the end of the war, I have seen documents and photostats from which it is certain that Hirt, Haagen and Dickerhof have done some experiments on human beings. These photostats give the results of experiments made with poison gas and other similar substances.
"5. In August 1943, one morning between 7 and 7:30, I saw the unloading of women's bodies. I touched these bodies and ascertained that they were still warm. They all presented signs of nose bleeds and I deduced that they had very likely been asphyxiated or poisoned.
"6. In the summer of 1944 Bong and Meyer received an order from Hirt to dissect these bodies. I know about that because I have seen Bong and Meyer at work. I have also seen cases containing quarters of bodies that have been sent to the municipal crematorium of Strasbourg.
"7. After the departure of Hirt in November 1944, the former mechanic, Buhler, and myself have discovered in the furnace of the central heating system, a great number of documents, in which I could read that human beings were used as guinea pigs for experiments with gas (Lost).
"8. For Professor Haagen, I had to make a chart of about 2 x 1 meters, on which were listed the various combat gases with their chemical formulas, and which gave indications on the dangers that men could encounter. I have deduced that experiments had been made on human beings.
"9. I add that Professor Hirt had threatened me with death in case I should open my mouth to speak about anything, especially at the time of the arrival of the bodies of which I spoke under No. 5.
"10. Miss Bennemann and Miss Schmidt were paid directly by the "Personlicher Stab Reichsfuehrer SS Versaltung" in Berlin. Signed C.R. Wagner."
The Court will of course see that this affidavit deals not only with the Lost experiments undertaken by Hirt and Haagen and Wimmer, but also with the atrocious skeleton collection about which the Prosecution has already presented considerable proof, and you will recall in that connection the names of Bong and Meyer, about whom the witness, Henri Pierre, testified here. Professor Haagen was also attached to the University of Strasbourg and it was through the good offices of Hirt, as we shall see later, that human experimental subjects were obtained for Haagen's typhus experiments at Natzweiler.
I would also like to point out that the affiant, Wagner, states that his direct collaborators were Meyer, Bong, Miss Elise Schmidt and Miss Bennemann. We shall have Miss Schmidt here to testify concerning the activities of Haagen at Strasbourg and Natzweiler. And this, with the exception of the witness to be called on Monday morning, completes the Prosecution's presentation with respect to the mustard gas experiments.
I would like at this time to turn to the typhus experiments, and if the Secretary General will pass up this document book, we can proceed. The typhus experiments are charged in Paragraph 6 (J) of the indictment as a war crime, and in Paragraph 11 as a crime against humanity. I think it might be well to read Paragraph 6 (J) of the indictment to summarize briefly the facts which the Prosecution expects to prove.
"From about December 1941 to about February 1945 experiments were conducted at the Buchenwald and Natzweiler Concentration Camps for the benefit of the German Armed Forces to investigate the effectiveness of spotted fever and other vaccines. At Buchenwald numerous healthy inmates were deliberately infected with spotted fever virus in order to keep the virus alive; over 90% of the victims died as a result. Other healthy inmates were used to determine the effectiveness of different spotted fever vaccines and of various chemical substances. In the course of these experiments 75% of the selected number of inmates were vaccinated with one of the vaccines or nourished with one of the chemical substances and, after a period of three to four weeks, were infected with spotted fever germs. The remaining 25% were infected without any previous protection in order to compare the effectiveness of the vaccines and the chemical substances. As a result, hundreds of the persons experimented upon died. Experiments with yellow fever, smallpox, typhus, paratyphus A and B, cholera, and diphtheria were also conducted. Similar experiments with like results were conducted at Natzweiler Concentration Camp. The defendants Karl Brandt, Handloser, Rostock, Schroeder, Genzken, Gebhardt, Rudolf Brandt, Mrugowsky, Poppendick, Sievers, Rose, Becker-Freyseng, and Hoven are charged with special responsibility for and participation in these crimes."
The first document which I would like to submit is Document NO-429, and this is offered provisionally as Prosecution Exhibit 281, that is to say, under the same conditions which the affidavit of Rudolf Brandt was admitted this morning.
THE PRESIDENT: Counsel, in the document book before me this statement, while signed by Dr. Waldemar Hoven, does not purport to be sworn to by anyone or witnessed. Excuse me, I thought that was a translator's certificate, it is a verification by the US civilian. That is correct.
MR. McHANEY: Well, apparently -- there is, in fact, a jurat on it. It may be improperly titled as a certificate of translation, I don't know.
THE PRESIDENT: I know there is a certificate of translation. I did not read the jurat, I did not read the title.
DR. GAWLIK: (Counsel for the defendant Hoven): I should like to ask that the affidavit of the defendant Dr. Hoven, the Document NO-429, be rejected for the following three reasons. Firstly, the affidavit was sworn to before a US civilian, de Vries. It has not been proved that Mr. de Vries has the capability to accept such a statement.
The second reason is as follows: The affidavit has not been made in the German language but in the English language. I should like to draw the attention of the Tribunal to page 6 of the English Document Book. Hoven is a German citizen. The defendant Dr. Hoven does not have the necessary knowledge of the English language in order to make such an affidavit in its full extent. The text of the affidavit was presented to the defendant Dr. Hoven in the English language. The discussion before that, however, took place in the German language. It would have been necessary that an interpreter should have been used who was placed under oath. This, however, was not done; and therefore this is a wrong procedure.
The third reason. It is a recognized principle of procedural rule of all states that a person has to be informed in advance when he is to make statements during the course of which he can incriminate himself. This is not only a principle of the German judicial system but also of the English and American law. With reference to the English judicial procedure, I beg to refer to Section 18 of the Evidence Act of 1848.
It is stated there expressly in what form such information has to follow. The wording is as follows -- I am translating from the English text: "You are not obliged to say anything unless you wish to do so. However, whatever you may say will be noted down and can be used as evidential material against you in a judicial procedure." This law was binding in the high Military Tribunal I in the case of the witness Neff. The witness Neff before his examination was told about his right to refuse to testify. I beg you to refer to the protocol of the 17th of December on page 640 of the German text. The defendant Dr. Hoven, therefore, before this affidavit was taken, should have been told about his right to refuse to give such a statement. This, at that time, was not done, only after the indictment had been served the defendant Hoven was notified about this right of his. The affidavit, therefore, has been made under violation of procedural laws and principles and I therefore ask you not to admit it.
THE PRESIDENT: It is the ruling of the Tribunal at this time that the objections will be overruled and it will be admitted provisionally. There is nothing on the affidavit that indicates that the defendant was under any interrogation or was asked any questions. If the defendant Hoven did not understand the English language, or if he was interrogated and the matter was not explained to him, he may later when on the stand himself and attack the affidavit, and if it appears to the Tribunal that it was improperly taken it will be stricken from the record. The admission now is without prejudice to the defendant Hoven to attack the affidavit later.
DR. GAWLIK: It didn't come through in the German, Your Honor.
THE PRESIDENT: I am sorry I spoke too fast. It is the ruling of the Tribunal that at this time the affidavit will be admitted subject to objections by the defendant Hoven which he may make at some later time. The affidavit does not show on its face that the defendant Hoven spoke in answer to any questions whatsoever. If he was interrogated without being warned, he can later state that on the witness stand on his own behalf. If he did not understand English and the affidavit was not translated to him, he may also explain that, but at this time the affidavit will be admitted in evidence provisionally without prejudice to the right of the counsel for defendant Hoven to later attack its admissibility.
Should it appear to the Tribunal that the affidavit should not be admitted into evidence, it will be stricken from the record.
MR. McHANEY: Document NO-429, then, has been conditionally admitted as Prosecution Exhibit 281. It reads as follows:
"I, Waldemar Hoven, being duly sworn, depose and state:
1. I was born in Freiburg in Breisgau on the 10th of February 1903. I attended high school but did not complete my education until many years later. Between the years 1919 and 1933 I visited Denmark, Sweden, United States, and France. In 1933 I returned to Freiburg and completed my high school course and then attended the Universities of Freiburg and Munich. In 1939 I concluded my medical studies and joined the Waffen SS as a physician. The last rank I held in the Waffen SS was Hauptsturmfuehrer. In 1934 I had joined the Allgemeine SS.
2. In October 1939 I was assigned as an assistant medical officer in the SS hospital in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp and held that position until 1941 when I was appointed the Medical Officer in charge of the SS troops stationed in the camp. At the end of 1941 I was transferred to the Camp Hospital and became the Assistant Medical Officer therein. This hospital was for the inmates of the Buchenwald Concentration Camp. In July 1942 I was elevated to the position of Chief Physician and thereby had the full responsibility for the inmate patients in the hospital. I held this position until September 1943 when I was arrested by the SS Police Court of Kassel and remained under arrest until the 15th of March 1945.
3. Due to my various positions in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp during this period of nearly four years I became acquainted with all phases of the medical activities therein and am hereby able to make the following statement:
Spotted Fever and Virus Experiments.
4. In the latter part of 1 of various Spotted Fever vaccines.
This department was called the "Spotted Fever Experimental Station" and was under the direct supervision of Dr. Ding, alias Schuler. This experimental station was set up in Block 46 of the camp. The Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS in Berlin, under the command of Dr. Joachim Mrugowsky, received all the reports of these activities and Dr. Ding took orders from Mrugowsky. In the early days, that is, between 1941 and the summer of 1943, Dr. Ding had many meetings in Berlin with Dr. Karl Genzken concerning his work at Buchenwald in connection with the Spotted Fever experiments. Dr. Ding told me that Dr. Genzken had a special interest in these matters and that he sent him reports at various times. Dr. Ding also said that Dr. Karl Genzken was one of his superiors. From my association with Dr. Ding I understood that the chain of command in the supervision of the Spotted Fever Experimental Station was as follows: Reichsarzt SS Grawitz, Genzken, Mrugowsky, and Ding.
5. I can recollect that Dr. Genzken gave orders to Dr. Ding in January 1943 to enlarge the experimental station. At this time Block 50 was cleaned out and made into a station for the production of the various vaccines to be used in the experiments at Block 46. From this time on the experimental station was known as "Department for Spotted Fever and Virus Research of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS". Then in the summer of 1943 Dr. Genzken turned all his duties over to Dr. Mrugowsky and from that time on Genzken no longer actively participated in these matters. I can recall meeting Dr. Mrugowsky in the home of Dr. Ding on one of his visits to Buchenwald."
"6. Inasmuch as I was constantly associated with Dr. Ding at Buchenwald we became very friendly. I frequently discussed matters with Ding and visited his experimental station from time to time. As a matter of fact, Dr. Ding had to go to Berlin for discussions with Dr. Mrugowsky and others, nearly 3 days out of every two weeks, and on such occasions I was in charge of the Spotted Fever Institute. However, when Ding went to Berlin the experiments were discontinued until he returned.
"7. The experiments at Block 46 in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp were conducted as follows: One group of victims were first vaccinated with the spotted fever vaccine and then infected with the spotted fever virus. In order to contrast the effectiveness of the vaccine another group of inmates were merely infected with the spotted fever virus without any previous vaccination. Between the Autumn of 1942 and the Summer of 1943 about 500 inmates of the Buchenwald Concentration Camp were used in these experiments. During my time about 10% of the total number of the inmates used died as a result. I heard that a larger number of the victims died after my time, that is about 20%.
"8. The selection of inmates to be used for the purposes of medical experiments in Block 46 by the "Institute for Spotted Fever and Virus Research was as follows: Whenever Dr. Ding needed human beings for his work a request was made to the office cf the Camp Commandant and referred to me for action. Usually a man named Schober, an SS Hauptsturm fuehrer, notified me to select the necessary number of prisoners for these purposes. In accordance with this request I selected various inmates, at random, from the roster of the camp. They were placed on a list over my signature and returned to Schober who often removed certain names from the list for political reasons. In the event that particular prisoners were removed from the list I was requested to select substitutes in order to provide Dr. Ding with the desired number of victims. After I returned the completed list to Schober it was given to Dr. Ding for approval. He made a final check to ascertain, from a medical point of view, the physical condition of the selected inmates and to determine whether or not they met with his requirements.